Fascism

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For other uses, see Fascism (disambiguation). Fascism_sentence_0

Fascism (/ˈfæʃɪzəm/) is a form of far-right, authoritarian ultranationalism characterized by dictatorial power, forcible suppression of opposition and strong regimentation of society and of the economy which came to prominence in early 20th-century Europe. Fascism_sentence_1

The first fascist movements emerged in Italy during World War I, before spreading to other European countries. Fascism_sentence_2

Opposed to liberalism, democracy, Marxism, and anarchism, fascism is placed on the far right within the traditional left–right spectrum. Fascism_sentence_3

Fascists saw World War I as a revolution that brought massive changes to the nature of war, society, the state, and technology. Fascism_sentence_4

The advent of total war and the total mass mobilization of society had broken down the distinction between civilians and combatants. Fascism_sentence_5

A "military citizenship" arose in which all citizens were involved with the military in some manner during the war. Fascism_sentence_6

The war had resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines and providing economic production and logistics to support them, as well as having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens. Fascism_sentence_7

Fascists believe that liberal democracy is obsolete and regard the complete mobilization of society under a totalitarian one-party state as necessary to prepare a nation for armed conflict and to respond effectively to economic difficulties. Fascism_sentence_8

A fascist state is led by a strong leader such as a dictator and a martial law government composed of the members of the governing fascist party to forge national unity and maintain a stable and orderly society. Fascism_sentence_9

Fascism rejects assertions that violence is automatically negative in nature and views imperialism, political violence and war as means that can achieve national rejuvenation. Fascism_sentence_10

Fascists advocate a mixed economy, with the principal goal of achieving autarky (national economic self-sufficiency) through protectionist and economic interventionist policies. Fascism_sentence_11

The extreme authoritarianism of fascism usually manifests itself in the belief in a "pure race" or "master race", usually synthesized with some variant of racism or bigotry; the idea of "purity" has motivated fascist regimes to commit massacres, forced sterilization, genocides, or forced deportation against a perceived other. Fascism_sentence_12

Since the end of World War II in 1945, few parties have openly described themselves as fascist, and the term is instead now usually used pejoratively by political opponents. Fascism_sentence_13

The descriptions neo-fascist or post-fascist are sometimes applied more formally to describe parties of the far right with ideologies similar to, or rooted in, 20th-century fascist movements. Fascism_sentence_14

Etymology Fascism_section_0

The Italian term fascismo is derived from fascio meaning "a bundle of sticks", ultimately from the Latin word fasces. Fascism_sentence_15

This was the name given to political organizations in Italy known as fasci, groups similar to guilds or syndicates. Fascism_sentence_16

According to Italian fascist dictator Benito Mussolini's own account, the Fasces of Revolutionary Action were founded in Italy in 1915. Fascism_sentence_17

In 1919, Mussolini founded the Italian Fasces of Combat in Milan, which became the National Fascist Party two years later. Fascism_sentence_18

The Fascists came to associate the term with the ancient Roman fasces or fascio littorio—a bundle of rods tied around an axe, an ancient Roman symbol of the authority of the civic magistrate carried by his lictors, which could be used for corporal and capital punishment at his command. Fascism_sentence_19

The symbolism of the fasces suggested strength through unity: a single rod is easily broken, while the bundle is difficult to break. Fascism_sentence_20

Similar symbols were developed by different fascist movements: for example, the Falange symbol is five arrows joined together by a yoke. Fascism_sentence_21

Definitions Fascism_section_1

Main article: Definitions of fascism Fascism_sentence_22

Historians, political scientists, and other scholars have long debated the exact nature of fascism. Fascism_sentence_23

Each group described as fascist has at least some unique elements, and many definitions of fascism have been criticized as either too wide or narrow. Fascism_sentence_24

According to many scholars, fascism – especially once in power – has historically attacked communism, conservatism, and parliamentary liberalism, attracting support primarily from the far-right. Fascism_sentence_25

One common definition of the term, frequently cited by reliable sources as a standard definition, is that of historian Stanley G. Payne. Fascism_sentence_26

He focuses on three concepts: Fascism_sentence_27

Fascism_ordered_list_0

  1. the "fascist negations": anti-liberalism, anti-communism, and anti-conservatism;Fascism_item_0_0
  2. "fascist goals": the creation of a nationalist dictatorship to regulate economic structure and to transform social relations within a modern, self-determined culture, and the expansion of the nation into an empire; andFascism_item_0_1
  3. "fascist style": a political aesthetic of romantic symbolism, mass mobilization, a positive view of violence, and promotion of masculinity, youth, and charismatic authoritarian leadership.Fascism_item_0_2

Professor Jason Stanley, in his book How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them, observed that "The leader proposes that only he can solve it and all of his political opponents are enemies or traitors." Fascism_sentence_28

Stanley says recent global events, including the pandemic and the protests, have substantiated his concern about how fascist rhetoric is showing up in politics and policies around the world. Fascism_sentence_29

Historian John Lukacs argues that there is no such thing as generic fascism. Fascism_sentence_30

He claims that Nazism and communism are essentially manifestations of populism and that states such as Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy are more different than similar. Fascism_sentence_31

Roger Griffin describes fascism as "a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultranationalism". Fascism_sentence_32

Griffin describes the ideology as having three core components: "(i) the rebirth myth, (ii) populist ultra-nationalism, and (iii) the myth of decadence". Fascism_sentence_33

In Griffin's view, fascism is "a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and in the last analysis, anti-conservative nationalism" built on a complex range of theoretical and cultural influences. Fascism_sentence_34

He distinguishes an inter-war period in which it manifested itself in elite-led but populist "armed party" politics opposing socialism and liberalism and promising radical politics to rescue the nation from decadence. Fascism_sentence_35

In Against the Fascist Creep, Alexander Reid Ross writes regarding Griffin's view: Fascism_sentence_36

Indeed, Griffin himself explored this 'mythic' or 'eliminable' core of fascism with his concept of post-fascism to explore the continuation of Nazism in the modern era. Fascism_sentence_37

Additionally, other historians have applied this minimalist core to explore proto-fascist movements. Fascism_sentence_38

Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser argue that although fascism "flirted with populism ... in an attempt to generate mass support", it is better seen as an elitist ideology. Fascism_sentence_39

They cite in particular its exaltation of the Leader, the race, and the state, rather than the people. Fascism_sentence_40

They see populism as a "thin-centered ideology" with a "restricted morphology" which necessarily becomes attached to "thick-centered" ideologies such as fascism, liberalism, or socialism. Fascism_sentence_41

Thus populism can be found as an aspect of many specific ideologies, without necessarily being a defining characteristic of those ideologies. Fascism_sentence_42

They refer to the combination of populism, authoritarianism and ultranationalism as "a marriage of convenience." Fascism_sentence_43

Robert Paxton says that: Fascism_sentence_44

Roger Eatwell defines fascism as "an ideology that strives to forge social rebirth based on a holistic-national radical Third Way", while Walter Laqueur sees the core tenets of fascism as "self-evident: nationalism; Social Darwinism; racialism, the need for leadership, a new aristocracy, and obedience; and the negation of the ideals of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution." Fascism_sentence_45

Racism was a key feature of German fascism, for which the Holocaust was a high priority. Fascism_sentence_46

According to the historiography of genocide, "In dealing with the Holocaust, it is the consensus of historians that Nazi Germany targeted Jews as a race, not as a religious group." Fascism_sentence_47

Umberto Eco, Kevin Passmore, John Weiss, Ian Adams, and Moyra Grant stress racism as a characteristic component of German fascism. Fascism_sentence_48

Historian Robert Soucy stated that "Hitler envisioned the ideal German society as a Volksgemeinschaft, a racially unified and hierarchically organized body in which the interests of individuals would be strictly subordinate to those of the nation, or Volk." Fascism_sentence_49

Fascist philosophies vary by application, but remain distinct by one theoretical commonality: all traditionally fall into the far-right sector of any political spectrum, catalyzed by afflicted class identities over conventional social inequities. Fascism_sentence_50

Position in the political spectrum Fascism_section_2

Most scholars place fascism on the far right of the political spectrum. Fascism_sentence_51

Such scholarship focuses on its social conservatism and its authoritarian means of opposing egalitarianism. Fascism_sentence_52

Roderick Stackelberg places fascism—including Nazism, which he says is "a radical variant of fascism"—on the political right by explaining: "The more a person deems absolute equality among all people to be a desirable condition, the further left he or she will be on the ideological spectrum. Fascism_sentence_53

The more a person considers inequality to be unavoidable or even desirable, the further to the right he or she will be". Fascism_sentence_54

Fascism's origins, however, are complex and include many seemingly contradictory viewpoints, ultimately centered around a mythos of national rebirth from decadence. Fascism_sentence_55

Fascism was founded during World War I by Italian national syndicalists who drew upon both left-wing organizational tactics and right-wing political views. Fascism_sentence_56

Italian Fascism gravitated to the right in the early 1920s. Fascism_sentence_57

A major element of fascist ideology that has been deemed to be far-right is its stated goal to promote the right of a supposedly superior people to dominate, while purging society of supposedly inferior elements. Fascism_sentence_58

In the 1920s, the Italian Fascists described their ideology as right-wing in the political program The Doctrine of Fascism, stating: "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right,' a fascist century". Fascism_sentence_59

Mussolini stated that fascism's position on the political spectrum was not a serious issue for fascists: "Fascism, sitting on the right, could also have sat on the mountain of the center ... Fascism_sentence_60

These words in any case do not have a fixed and unchanged meaning: they do have a variable subject to location, time and spirit. Fascism_sentence_61

We don't give a damn about these empty terminologies and we despise those who are terrorized by these words". Fascism_sentence_62

Major Italian groups politically on the right, especially rich landowners and big business, feared an uprising by groups on the left such as sharecroppers and labour unions. Fascism_sentence_63

They welcomed Fascism and supported its violent suppression of opponents on the left. Fascism_sentence_64

The accommodation of the political right into the Italian Fascist movement in the early 1920s created internal factions within the movement. Fascism_sentence_65

The "Fascist left" included Michele Bianchi, Giuseppe Bottai, Angelo Oliviero Olivetti, Sergio Panunzio, and Edmondo Rossoni, who were committed to advancing national syndicalism as a replacement for parliamentary liberalism in order to modernize the economy and advance the interests of workers and the common people. Fascism_sentence_66

The "Fascist right" included members of the paramilitary Squadristi and former members of the Italian Nationalist Association (ANI). Fascism_sentence_67

The Squadristi wanted to establish Fascism as a complete dictatorship, while the former ANI members, including Alfredo Rocco, sought to institute an authoritarian corporatist state to replace the liberal state in Italy while retaining the existing elites. Fascism_sentence_68

Upon accommodating the political right, there arose a group of monarchist fascists who sought to use fascism to create an absolute monarchy under King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy. Fascism_sentence_69

After the fall of the Fascist regime in Italy, when King Victor Emmanuel III forced Mussolini to resign as head of government and placed him under arrest in 1943, Mussolini was rescued by German forces. Fascism_sentence_70

While continuing to rely on Germany for support, Mussolini and the remaining loyal Fascists founded the Italian Social Republic with Mussolini as head of state. Fascism_sentence_71

Mussolini sought to re-radicalize Italian Fascism, declaring that the Fascist state had been overthrown because Italian Fascism had been subverted by Italian conservatives and the bourgeoisie. Fascism_sentence_72

Then the new Fascist government proposed the creation of workers' councils and profit-sharing in industry, although the German authorities, who effectively controlled northern Italy at this point, ignored these measures and did not seek to enforce them. Fascism_sentence_73

A number of post-World War II fascist movements described themselves as a "third position" outside the traditional political spectrum. Fascism_sentence_74

Spanish Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera said: "[B]asically the Right stands for the maintenance of an economic structure, albeit an unjust one, while the Left stands for the attempt to subvert that economic structure, even though the subversion thereof would entail the destruction of much that was worthwhile". Fascism_sentence_75

"Fascist" as a pejorative Fascism_section_3

Main article: Fascist (insult) Fascism_sentence_76

The term "fascist" has been used as a pejorative, regarding varying movements across the far right of the political spectrum. Fascism_sentence_77

George Orwell wrote in 1944 that "the word 'Fascism' is almost entirely meaningless ... almost any English person would accept 'bully' as a synonym for 'Fascist'". Fascism_sentence_78

Despite fascist movements' history of anti-communism, communist states have sometimes been referred to as "fascist", typically as an insult. Fascism_sentence_79

For example, it has been applied to Marxist-Leninist regimes in Cuba under Fidel Castro and Vietnam under Ho Chi Minh. Fascism_sentence_80

Chinese Marxists used the term to denounce the Soviet Union during the Sino-Soviet Split, and likewise the Soviets used the term to denounce Chinese Marxists and social democracy (coining a new term in "social fascism"). Fascism_sentence_81

In the United States, Herbert Matthews of The New York Times asked in 1946: "Should we now place Stalinist Russia in the same category as Hitlerite Germany? Fascism_sentence_82

Should we say that she is Fascist?". Fascism_sentence_83

J. Fascism_sentence_84 Edgar Hoover, longtime FBI director and ardent anti-communist, wrote extensively of "Red Fascism". Fascism_sentence_85

The Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s was sometimes called "fascist". Fascism_sentence_86

Historian Peter Amann states that, "Undeniably, the Klan had some traits in common with European fascism—chauvinism, racism, a mystique of violence, an affirmation of a certain kind of archaic traditionalism—yet their differences were fundamental ... [the KKK] never envisioned a change of political or economic system." Fascism_sentence_87

Professor Richard Griffiths of the University of Wales wrote in 2005 that "fascism" is the "most misused, and over-used word, of our times". Fascism_sentence_88

"Fascist" is sometimes applied to post-World War II organizations and ways of thinking that academics more commonly term "neo-fascist". Fascism_sentence_89

History Fascism_section_4

Further information: Fascism and ideology Fascism_sentence_90

19th-century roots Fascism_section_5

Georges Valois, founder of the first non-Italian fascist party Faisceau, claimed the roots of fascism stemmed from the late 18th century Jacobin movement, seeing in its totalitarian nature a foreshadowing of the fascist state. Fascism_sentence_91

Historian George Mosse similarly analyzed fascism as an inheritor of the mass ideology and civil religion of the French Revolution, as well as a result of the brutalization of societies in 1914–1918. Fascism_sentence_92

Historians such as Irene Collins and Howard C Payne see Napoleon III, who ran a 'police state' and suppressed the media, as a forerunner of fascism. Fascism_sentence_93

According to David Thomson, the Italian Risorgimento of 1871 led to the 'nemesis of fascism'. Fascism_sentence_94

William L Shirer sees a continuity from the views of Fichte and Hegel, through Bismarck, to Hitler; Robert Gerwarth speaks of a 'direct line' from Bismarck to Hitler. Fascism_sentence_95

Julian Dierkes sees fascism as a 'particularly violent form of imperialism'. Fascism_sentence_96

Fin de siècle era and the fusion of Maurrasism with Sorelianism (1880–1914) Fascism_section_6

The historian Zeev Sternhell has traced the ideological roots of fascism back to the 1880s and in particular to the fin de siècle theme of that time. Fascism_sentence_97

The theme was based on a revolt against materialism, rationalism, positivism, bourgeois society and democracy. Fascism_sentence_98

The fin-de-siècle generation supported emotionalism, irrationalism, subjectivism and vitalism. Fascism_sentence_99

They regarded civilization as being in crisis, requiring a massive and total solution. Fascism_sentence_100

Their intellectual school considered the individual as only one part of the larger collectivity, which should not be viewed as a numerical sum of atomized individuals. Fascism_sentence_101

They condemned the rationalistic individualism of liberal society and the dissolution of social links in bourgeois society. Fascism_sentence_102

The fin-de-siècle outlook was influenced by various intellectual developments, including Darwinian biology; Wagnerian aesthetics; Arthur de Gobineau's racialism; Gustave Le Bon's psychology; and the philosophies of Friedrich Nietzsche, Fyodor Dostoyevsky and Henri Bergson. Fascism_sentence_103

Social Darwinism, which gained widespread acceptance, made no distinction between physical and social life, and viewed the human condition as being an unceasing struggle to achieve the survival of the fittest. Fascism_sentence_104

Social Darwinism challenged positivism's claim of deliberate and rational choice as the determining behaviour of humans, with social Darwinism focusing on heredity, race, and environment. Fascism_sentence_105

Social Darwinism's emphasis on biogroup identity and the role of organic relations within societies fostered the legitimacy and appeal of nationalism. Fascism_sentence_106

New theories of social and political psychology also rejected the notion of human behaviour being governed by rational choice and instead claimed that emotion was more influential in political issues than reason. Fascism_sentence_107

Nietzsche's argument that "God is dead" coincided with his attack on the "herd mentality" of Christianity, democracy and modern collectivism; his concept of the übermensch; and his advocacy of the will to power as a primordial instinct, were major influences upon many of the fin-de-siècle generation. Fascism_sentence_108

Bergson's claim of the existence of an "élan vital" or vital instinct centred upon free choice and rejected the processes of materialism and determinism; this challenged Marxism. Fascism_sentence_109

Gaetano Mosca in his work The Ruling Class (1896) developed the theory that claims that in all societies an "organized minority" will dominate and rule over the "disorganized majority". Fascism_sentence_110

Mosca claims that there are only two classes in society, "the governing" (the organized minority) and "the governed" (the disorganized majority). Fascism_sentence_111

He claims that the organized nature of the organized minority makes it irresistible to any individual of the disorganized majority. Fascism_sentence_112

French nationalist and reactionary monarchist Charles Maurras influenced fascism. Fascism_sentence_113

Maurras promoted what he called integral nationalism, which called for the organic unity of a nation, and insisted that a powerful monarch was an ideal leader of a nation. Fascism_sentence_114

Maurras distrusted what he considered the democratic mystification of the popular will that created an impersonal collective subject. Fascism_sentence_115

He claimed that a powerful monarch was a personified sovereign who could exercise authority to unite a nation's people. Fascism_sentence_116

Maurras' integral nationalism was idealized by fascists, but modified into a modernized revolutionary form that was devoid of Maurras' monarchism. Fascism_sentence_117

French revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel promoted the legitimacy of political violence in his work Reflections on Violence (1908) and other works in which he advocated radical syndicalist action to achieve a revolution to overthrow capitalism and the bourgeoisie through a general strike. Fascism_sentence_118

In Reflections on Violence, Sorel emphasized need for a revolutionary political religion. Fascism_sentence_119

Also in his work The Illusions of Progress, Sorel denounced democracy as reactionary, saying "nothing is more aristocratic than democracy". Fascism_sentence_120

By 1909 after the failure of a syndicalist general strike in France, Sorel and his supporters left the radical left and went to the radical right, where they sought to merge militant Catholicism and French patriotism with their views—advocating anti-republican Christian French patriots as ideal revolutionaries. Fascism_sentence_121

Initially Sorel had officially been a revisionist of Marxism, but by 1910 announced his abandonment of socialist literature and claimed in 1914, using an aphorism of Benedetto Croce that "socialism is dead" because of the "decomposition of Marxism". Fascism_sentence_122

Sorel became a supporter of reactionary Maurrassian nationalism beginning in 1909 that influenced his works. Fascism_sentence_123

Maurras held interest in merging his nationalist ideals with Sorelian syndicalism as a means to confront democracy. Fascism_sentence_124

Maurras stated "a socialism liberated from the democratic and cosmopolitan element fits nationalism well as a well made glove fits a beautiful hand". Fascism_sentence_125

The fusion of Maurrassian nationalism and Sorelian syndicalism influenced radical Italian nationalist Enrico Corradini. Fascism_sentence_126

Corradini spoke of the need for a nationalist-syndicalist movement, led by elitist aristocrats and anti-democrats who shared a revolutionary syndicalist commitment to direct action and a willingness to fight. Fascism_sentence_127

Corradini spoke of Italy as being a "proletarian nation" that needed to pursue imperialism in order to challenge the "plutocratic" French and British. Fascism_sentence_128

Corradini's views were part of a wider set of perceptions within the right-wing Italian Nationalist Association (ANI), which claimed that Italy's economic backwardness was caused by: Fascism_sentence_129

Fascism_unordered_list_1

  • corruption in its political class,Fascism_item_1_3
  • liberalism, andFascism_item_1_4
  • division caused by "ignoble socialism".Fascism_item_1_5

The ANI held ties and influence among conservatives, Catholics and the business community. Fascism_sentence_130

Italian national syndicalists held a common set of principles: the rejection of bourgeois values, democracy, liberalism, Marxism, internationalism and pacifism; and the promotion of heroism, vitalism and violence. Fascism_sentence_131

The ANI claimed that liberal democracy was no longer compatible with the modern world, and advocated a strong state and imperialism. Fascism_sentence_132

They believed that humans are naturally predatory, and that nations are in a constant struggle in which only the strongest would survive. Fascism_sentence_133

Futurism was both an artistic-cultural movement and initially a political movement in Italy led by Filippo Tommaso Marinetti who founded the Futurist Manifesto (1908), that championed the causes of modernism, action, and political violence as necessary elements of politics while denouncing liberalism and parliamentary politics. Fascism_sentence_134

Marinetti rejected conventional democracy based on majority rule and egalitarianism, for a new form of democracy, promoting what he described in his work "The Futurist Conception of Democracy" as the following: Fascism_sentence_135

Futurism influenced fascism in its emphasis on recognizing the virile nature of violent action and war as being necessities of modern civilization. Fascism_sentence_136

Marinetti promoted the need of physical training of young men saying that, in male education, gymnastics should take precedence over books. Fascism_sentence_137

He advocated segregation of the genders because womanly sensibility must not enter men's education, which he claimed must be "lively, bellicose, muscular and violently dynamic". Fascism_sentence_138

World War I and its aftermath (1914–1929) Fascism_section_7

At the outbreak of World War I in August 1914, the Italian political left became severely split over its position on the war. Fascism_sentence_139

The Italian Socialist Party (PSI) opposed the war but a number of Italian revolutionary syndicalists supported war against Germany and Austria-Hungary on the grounds that their reactionary regimes had to be defeated to ensure the success of socialism. Fascism_sentence_140

Angelo Oliviero Olivetti formed a pro-interventionist fascio called the Revolutionary Fasces of International Action in October 1914. Fascism_sentence_141

Benito Mussolini upon being expelled from his position as chief editor of the PSI's newspaper Avanti! Fascism_sentence_142

for his anti-German stance, joined the interventionist cause in a separate fascio. Fascism_sentence_143

The term "Fascism" was first used in 1915 by members of Mussolini's movement, the Fasces of Revolutionary Action. Fascism_sentence_144

The first meeting of the Fasces of Revolutionary Action was held on 24 January 1915 when Mussolini declared that it was necessary for Europe to resolve its national problems—including national borders—of Italy and elsewhere "for the ideals of justice and liberty for which oppressed peoples must acquire the right to belong to those national communities from which they descended". Fascism_sentence_145

Attempts to hold mass meetings were ineffective and the organization was regularly harassed by government authorities and socialists. Fascism_sentence_146

Similar political ideas arose in Germany after the outbreak of the war. Fascism_sentence_147

German sociologist Johann Plenge spoke of the rise of a "National Socialism" in Germany within what he termed the "ideas of 1914" that were a declaration of war against the "ideas of 1789" (the French Revolution). Fascism_sentence_148

According to Plenge, the "ideas of 1789"—such as the rights of man, democracy, individualism and liberalism—were being rejected in favor of "the ideas of 1914" that included "German values" of duty, discipline, law and order. Fascism_sentence_149

Plenge believed that racial solidarity (Volksgemeinschaft) would replace class division and that "racial comrades" would unite to create a socialist society in the struggle of "proletarian" Germany against "capitalist" Britain. Fascism_sentence_150

He believed that the "Spirit of 1914" manifested itself in the concept of the "People's League of National Socialism". Fascism_sentence_151

This National Socialism was a form of state socialism that rejected the "idea of boundless freedom" and promoted an economy that would serve the whole of Germany under the leadership of the state. Fascism_sentence_152

This National Socialism was opposed to capitalism because of the components that were against "the national interest" of Germany, but insisted that National Socialism would strive for greater efficiency in the economy. Fascism_sentence_153

Plenge advocated an authoritarian rational ruling elite to develop National Socialism through a hierarchical technocratic state. Fascism_sentence_154

Impact of World War I Fascism_section_8

Fascists viewed World War I as bringing revolutionary changes in the nature of war, society, the state and technology, as the advent of total war and mass mobilization had broken down the distinction between civilian and combatant, as civilians had become a critical part in economic production for the war effort and thus arose a "military citizenship" in which all citizens were involved to the military in some manner during the war. Fascism_sentence_155

World War I had resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines or provide economic production and logistics to support those on the front lines, as well as having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens. Fascism_sentence_156

Fascists viewed technological developments of weaponry and the state's total mobilization of its population in the war as symbolizing the beginning of a new era fusing state power with mass politics, technology and particularly the mobilizing myth that they contended had triumphed over the myth of progress and the era of liberalism. Fascism_sentence_157

Impact of the Bolshevik Revolution Fascism_section_9

The October Revolution of 1917—in which Bolshevik communists led by Vladimir Lenin seized power in Russia—greatly influenced the development of fascism. Fascism_sentence_158

In 1917, Mussolini, as leader of the Fasces of Revolutionary Action, praised the October Revolution, but later he became unimpressed with Lenin, regarding him as merely a new version of Tsar Nicholas. Fascism_sentence_159

After World War I, fascists have commonly campaigned on anti-Marxist agendas. Fascism_sentence_160

Liberal opponents of both fascism and the Bolsheviks argue that there are various similarities between the two, including that they believed in the necessity of a vanguard leadership, had disdain for bourgeois values and it is argued had totalitarian ambitions. Fascism_sentence_161

In practice, both have commonly emphasized revolutionary action, proletarian nation theories, one-party states and party-armies. Fascism_sentence_162

However, both draw clear distinctions from each other both in aims and tactics, with the Bolsheviks emphasizing the need for an organized participatory democracy and an egalitarian, internationalist vision for society while the fascists emphasize hyper-nationalism and open hostility towards democracy, envisioning a hierarchical social structure as essential to their aims. Fascism_sentence_163

With the antagonism between anti-interventionist Marxists and pro-interventionist Fascists complete by the end of the war, the two sides became irreconcilable. Fascism_sentence_164

The Fascists presented themselves as anti-Marxists and as opposed to the Marxists. Fascism_sentence_165

Mussolini consolidated control over the Fascist movement, known as Sansepolcrismo, in 1919 with the founding of the Italian Fasces of Combat. Fascism_sentence_166

Fascist Manifesto of 1919 Fascism_section_10

In 1919, Alceste De Ambris and Futurist movement leader Filippo Tommaso Marinetti created The Manifesto of the Italian Fasces of Combat (the Fascist Manifesto). Fascism_sentence_167

The Manifesto was presented on 6 June 1919 in the Fascist newspaper Il Popolo d'Italia. Fascism_sentence_168

The Manifesto supported the creation of universal suffrage for both men and women (the latter being realized only partly in late 1925, with all opposition parties banned or disbanded); proportional representation on a regional basis; government representation through a corporatist system of "National Councils" of experts, selected from professionals and tradespeople, elected to represent and hold legislative power over their respective areas, including labour, industry, transportation, public health, communications, etc.; and the abolition of the Italian Senate. Fascism_sentence_169

The Manifesto supported the creation of an eight-hour work day for all workers, a minimum wage, worker representation in industrial management, equal confidence in labour unions as in industrial executives and public servants, reorganization of the transportation sector, revision of the draft law on invalidity insurance, reduction of the retirement age from 65 to 55, a strong progressive tax on capital, confiscation of the property of religious institutions and abolishment of bishoprics, and revision of military contracts to allow the government to seize 85% of profits. Fascism_sentence_170

It also called for the fulfillment of expansionist aims in the Balkans and other parts of the Mediterranean, the creation of a short-service national militia to serve defensive duties, nationalization of the armaments industry and a foreign policy designed to be peaceful but also competitive. Fascism_sentence_171

The next events that influenced the Fascists in Italy was the raid of Fiume by Italian nationalist Gabriele d'Annunzio and the founding of the Charter of Carnaro in 1920. Fascism_sentence_172

D'Annunzio and De Ambris designed the Charter, which advocated national-syndicalist corporatist productionism alongside D'Annunzio's political views. Fascism_sentence_173

Many Fascists saw the Charter of Carnaro as an ideal constitution for a Fascist Italy. Fascism_sentence_174

This behaviour of aggression towards Yugoslavia and South Slavs was pursued by Italian Fascists with their persecution of South Slavs—especially Slovenes and Croats. Fascism_sentence_175

Italian Fascists in 1920 Fascism_section_11

In 1920, militant strike activity by industrial workers reached its peak in Italy and 1919 and 1920 were known as the "Red Years". Fascism_sentence_176

Mussolini and the Fascists took advantage of the situation by allying with industrial businesses and attacking workers and peasants in the name of preserving order and internal peace in Italy. Fascism_sentence_177

Fascists identified their primary opponents as the majority of socialists on the left who had opposed intervention in World War I. Fascism_sentence_178

The Fascists and the Italian political right held common ground: both held Marxism in contempt, discounted class consciousness and believed in the rule of elites. Fascism_sentence_179

The Fascists assisted the anti-socialist campaign by allying with the other parties and the conservative right in a mutual effort to destroy the Italian Socialist Party and labour organizations committed to class identity above national identity. Fascism_sentence_180

Fascism sought to accommodate Italian conservatives by making major alterations to its political agenda—abandoning its previous populism, republicanism and anticlericalism, adopting policies in support of free enterprise and accepting the Catholic Church and the monarchy as institutions in Italy. Fascism_sentence_181

To appeal to Italian conservatives, Fascism adopted policies such as promoting family values, including policies designed to reduce the number of women in the workforce—limiting the woman's role to that of a mother. Fascism_sentence_182

The fascists banned literature on birth control and increased penalties for abortion in 1926, declaring both crimes against the state. Fascism_sentence_183

Though Fascism adopted a number of anti-modern positions designed to appeal to people upset with the new trends in sexuality and women's rights—especially those with a reactionary point of view—the Fascists sought to maintain Fascism's revolutionary character, with Angelo Oliviero Olivetti saying: "Fascism would like to be conservative, but it will [be] by being revolutionary". Fascism_sentence_184

The Fascists supported revolutionary action and committed to secure law and order to appeal to both conservatives and syndicalists. Fascism_sentence_185

Prior to Fascism's accommodations to the political right, Fascism was a small, urban, northern Italian movement that had about a thousand members. Fascism_sentence_186

After Fascism's accommodation of the political right, the Fascist movement's membership soared to approximately 250,000 by 1921. Fascism_sentence_187

Fascist violence in 1922 Fascism_section_12

Beginning in 1922, Fascist paramilitaries escalated their strategy from one of attacking socialist offices and the homes of socialist leadership figures, to one of violent occupation of cities. Fascism_sentence_188

The Fascists met little serious resistance from authorities and proceeded to take over several northern Italian cities. Fascism_sentence_189

The Fascists attacked the headquarters of socialist and Catholic labour unions in Cremona and imposed forced Italianization upon the German-speaking population of Trent and Bolzano. Fascism_sentence_190

After seizing these cities, the Fascists made plans to take Rome. Fascism_sentence_191

On 24 October 1922, the Fascist party held its annual congress in Naples, where Mussolini ordered Blackshirts to take control of public buildings and trains and to converge on three points around Rome. Fascism_sentence_192

The Fascists managed to seize control of several post offices and trains in northern Italy while the Italian government, led by a left-wing coalition, was internally divided and unable to respond to the Fascist advances. Fascism_sentence_193

King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy perceived the risk of bloodshed in Rome in response to attempting to disperse the Fascists to be too high. Fascism_sentence_194

Victor Emmanuel III decided to appoint Mussolini as Prime Minister of Italy and Mussolini arrived in Rome on 30 October to accept the appointment. Fascism_sentence_195

Fascist propaganda aggrandized this event, known as "March on Rome", as a "seizure" of power because of Fascists' heroic exploits. Fascism_sentence_196

Fascist Italy Fascism_section_13

Historian Stanley G. Payne says: Fascism_sentence_197

Mussolini in power Fascism_section_14

Upon being appointed Prime Minister of Italy, Mussolini had to form a coalition government because the Fascists did not have control over the Italian parliament. Fascism_sentence_198

Mussolini's coalition government initially pursued economically liberal policies under the direction of liberal finance minister Alberto De Stefani, a member of the Center Party, including balancing the budget through deep cuts to the civil service. Fascism_sentence_199

Initially, little drastic change in government policy had occurred and repressive police actions were limited. Fascism_sentence_200

The Fascists began their attempt to entrench Fascism in Italy with the Acerbo Law, which guaranteed a plurality of the seats in parliament to any party or coalition list in an election that received 25% or more of the vote. Fascism_sentence_201

Through considerable Fascist violence and intimidation, the list won a majority of the vote, allowing many seats to go to the Fascists. Fascism_sentence_202

In the aftermath of the election, a crisis and political scandal erupted after Socialist Party deputy Giacomo Matteotti was kidnapped and murdered by a Fascist. Fascism_sentence_203

The liberals and the leftist minority in parliament walked out in protest in what became known as the Aventine Secession. Fascism_sentence_204

On 3 January 1925, Mussolini addressed the Fascist-dominated Italian parliament and declared that he was personally responsible for what happened, but insisted that he had done nothing wrong. Fascism_sentence_205

Mussolini proclaimed himself dictator of Italy, assuming full responsibility over the government and announcing the dismissal of parliament. Fascism_sentence_206

From 1925 to 1929, Fascism steadily became entrenched in power: opposition deputies were denied access to parliament, censorship was introduced and a December 1925 decree made Mussolini solely responsible to the King. Fascism_sentence_207

Catholic Church Fascism_section_15

In 1929, the Fascist regime briefly gained what was in effect a blessing of the Catholic Church after the regime signed a concordat with the Church, known as the Lateran Treaty, which gave the papacy state sovereignty and financial compensation for the seizure of Church lands by the liberal state in the nineteenth century, but within two years the Church had renounced Fascism in the Encyclical Non Abbiamo Bisogno as a "pagan idolotry of the state" which teaches "hatred, violence and irreverence". Fascism_sentence_208

Not long after signing the agreement, by Mussolini's own confession, the Church had threatened to have him "excommunicated", in part because of his intractable nature, but also because he had "confiscated more issues of Catholic newspapers in the next three months than in the previous seven years”. Fascism_sentence_209

By the late 1930s, Mussolini became more vocal in his anti-clerical rhetoric, repeatedly denouncing the Catholic Church and discussing ways to depose the pope. Fascism_sentence_210

He took the position that the “papacy was a malignant tumor in the body of Italy and must 'be rooted out once and for all,’ because there was no room in Rome for both the Pope and himself". Fascism_sentence_211

In her 1974 book, Mussolini's widow Rachele stated that her husband had always been an atheist until near the end of his life, writing that her husband was "basically irreligious until the later years of his life". Fascism_sentence_212

The Nazis in Germany employed similar anti-clerical policies. Fascism_sentence_213

The Gestapo confiscated hundreds of monasteries in Austria and Germany, evicted clergymen and laymen alike and often replaced crosses with swastikas. Fascism_sentence_214

Referring to the swastika as the "Devil’s Cross", church leaders found their youth organizations banned, their meetings limited and various Catholic periodicals censored or banned. Fascism_sentence_215

Government officials eventually found it necessary to place "Nazis into editorial positions in the Catholic press". Fascism_sentence_216

Up to 2,720 clerics, mostly Catholics, were arrested by the Gestapo and imprisoned inside of Germany's Dachau concentration camp, resulting in over 1,000 deaths. Fascism_sentence_217

Corporatist economic system Fascism_section_16

The Fascist regime created a corporatist economic system in 1925 with creation of the Palazzo Vidoni Pact, in which the Italian employers' association Confindustria and Fascist trade unions agreed to recognize each other as the sole representatives of Italy's employers and employees, excluding non-Fascist trade unions. Fascism_sentence_218

The Fascist regime first created a Ministry of Corporations that organized the Italian economy into 22 sectoral corporations, banned workers' strikes and lock-outs and in 1927 created the Charter of Labour, which established workers' rights and duties and created labour tribunals to arbitrate employer-employee disputes. Fascism_sentence_219

In practice, the sectoral corporations exercised little independence and were largely controlled by the regime, and the employee organizations were rarely led by employees themselves, but instead by appointed Fascist party members. Fascism_sentence_220

Aggressive foreign policy Fascism_section_17

In the 1920s, Fascist Italy pursued an aggressive foreign policy that included an attack on the Greek island of Corfu, ambitions to expand Italian territory in the Balkans, plans to wage war against Turkey and Yugoslavia, attempts to bring Yugoslavia into civil war by supporting Croat and Macedonian separatists to legitimize Italian intervention and making Albania a de facto protectorate of Italy, which was achieved through diplomatic means by 1927. Fascism_sentence_221

In response to revolt in the Italian colony of Libya, Fascist Italy abandoned previous liberal-era colonial policy of cooperation with local leaders. Fascism_sentence_222

Instead, claiming that Italians were a superior race to African races and thereby had the right to colonize the "inferior" Africans, it sought to settle 10 to 15 million Italians in Libya. Fascism_sentence_223

This resulted in an aggressive military campaign known as the Pacification of Libya against natives in Libya, including mass killings, the use of concentration camps and the forced starvation of thousands of people. Fascism_sentence_224

Italian authorities committed ethnic cleansing by forcibly expelling 100,000 Bedouin Cyrenaicans, half the population of Cyrenaica in Libya, from their settlements that was slated to be given to Italian settlers. Fascism_sentence_225

Hitler adopts Italian model Fascism_section_18

The March on Rome brought Fascism international attention. Fascism_sentence_226

One early admirer of the Italian Fascists was Adolf Hitler, who less than a month after the March had begun to model himself and the Nazi Party upon Mussolini and the Fascists. Fascism_sentence_227

The Nazis, led by Hitler and the German war hero Erich Ludendorff, attempted a "March on Berlin" modeled upon the March on Rome, which resulted in the failed Beer Hall Putsch in Munich in November 1923. Fascism_sentence_228

International impact of the Great Depression and the buildup to World War II Fascism_section_19

The conditions of economic hardship caused by the Great Depression brought about an international surge of social unrest. Fascism_sentence_229

According to historian Philip Morgan, "the onset of the Great Depression … was the greatest stimulus yet to the diffusion and expansion of fascism outside Italy". Fascism_sentence_230

Fascist propaganda blamed the problems of the long depression of the 1930s on minorities and scapegoats: "Judeo-Masonic-bolshevik" conspiracies, left-wing internationalism and the presence of immigrants. Fascism_sentence_231

In Germany, it contributed to the rise of the National Socialist German Workers' Party, which resulted in the demise of the Weimar Republic and the establishment of the fascist regime, Nazi Germany, under the leadership of Adolf Hitler. Fascism_sentence_232

With the rise of Hitler and the Nazis to power in 1933, liberal democracy was dissolved in Germany and the Nazis mobilized the country for war, with expansionist territorial aims against several countries. Fascism_sentence_233

In the 1930s, the Nazis implemented racial laws that deliberately discriminated against, disenfranchised and persecuted Jews and other racial and minority groups. Fascism_sentence_234

Fascist movements grew in strength elsewhere in Europe. Fascism_sentence_235

Hungarian fascist Gyula Gömbös rose to power as Prime Minister of Hungary in 1932 and attempted to entrench his Party of National Unity throughout the country. Fascism_sentence_236

He created an eight-hour work day and a forty-eight-hour work week in industry; sought to entrench a corporatist economy; and pursued irredentist claims on Hungary's neighbors. Fascism_sentence_237

The fascist Iron Guard movement in Romania soared in political support after 1933, gaining representation in the Romanian government, and an Iron Guard member assassinated Romanian prime minister Ion Duca. Fascism_sentence_238

During the 6 February 1934 crisis, France faced the greatest domestic political turmoil since the Dreyfus Affair when the fascist Francist Movement and multiple far-right movements rioted en masse in Paris against the French government resulting in major political violence. Fascism_sentence_239

A variety of para-fascist governments that borrowed elements from fascism were formed during the Great Depression, including those of Greece, Lithuania, Poland and Yugoslavia. Fascism_sentence_240

In the Americas, the Brazilian Integralists led by Plínio Salgado claimed as many as 200,000 members although following coup attempts it faced a crackdown from the Estado Novo of Getúlio Vargas in 1937. Fascism_sentence_241

In the 1930s, the National Socialist Movement of Chile gained seats in Chile's parliament and attempted a coup d'état that resulted in the Seguro Obrero massacre of 1938. Fascism_sentence_242

During the Great Depression, Mussolini promoted active state intervention in the economy. Fascism_sentence_243

He denounced the contemporary "supercapitalism" that he claimed began in 1914 as a failure because of its alleged decadence, its support for unlimited consumerism and its intention to create the "standardization of humankind". Fascism_sentence_244

Fascist Italy created the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction (IRI), a giant state-owned firm and holding company that provided state funding to failing private enterprises. Fascism_sentence_245

The IRI was made a permanent institution in Fascist Italy in 1937, pursued Fascist policies to create national autarky and had the power to take over private firms to maximize war production. Fascism_sentence_246

While Hitler's regime only nationalized 500 companies in key industries by the early 1940s, Mussolini declared in 1934 that "[t]hree-fourths of Italian economy, industrial and agricultural, is in the hands of the state". Fascism_sentence_247

Due to the worldwide depression, Mussolini's government was able to take over most of Italy's largest failing banks, who held controlling interest in many Italian businesses. Fascism_sentence_248

The Institute for Industrial Reconstruction, a state-operated holding company in charge of bankrupt banks and companies, reported in early 1934 that they held assets of "48.5 percent of the share capital of Italy", which later included the capital of the banks themselves. Fascism_sentence_249

Political historian Martin Blinkhorn estimated Italy's scope of state intervention and ownership "greatly surpassed that in Nazi Germany, giving Italy a public sector second only to that of Stalin’s Russia". Fascism_sentence_250

In the late 1930s, Italy enacted manufacturing cartels, tariff barriers, currency restrictions and massive regulation of the economy to attempt to balance payments. Fascism_sentence_251

Italy's policy of autarky failed to achieve effective economic autonomy. Fascism_sentence_252

Nazi Germany similarly pursued an economic agenda with the aims of autarky and rearmament and imposed protectionist policies, including forcing the German steel industry to use lower-quality German iron ore rather than superior-quality imported iron. Fascism_sentence_253

World War II (1939–1945) Fascism_section_20

In Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, both Mussolini and Hitler pursued territorial expansionist and interventionist foreign policy agendas from the 1930s through the 1940s culminating in World War II. Fascism_sentence_254

Mussolini called for irredentist Italian claims to be reclaimed, establishing Italian domination of the Mediterranean Sea and securing Italian access to the Atlantic Ocean and the creation of Italian spazio vitale ("vital space") in the Mediterranean and Red Sea regions. Fascism_sentence_255

Hitler called for irredentist German claims to be reclaimed along with the creation of German Lebensraum ("living space") in Eastern Europe, including territories held by the Soviet Union, that would be colonized by Germans. Fascism_sentence_256

From 1935 to 1939, Germany and Italy escalated their demands for territorial claims and greater influence in world affairs. Fascism_sentence_257

Italy invaded Ethiopia in 1935 resulting in its condemnation by the League of Nations and its widespread diplomatic isolation. Fascism_sentence_258

In 1936, Germany remilitarized the industrial Rhineland, a region that had been ordered demilitarized by the Treaty of Versailles. Fascism_sentence_259

In 1938, Germany annexed Austria and Italy assisted Germany in resolving the diplomatic crisis between Germany versus Britain and France over claims on Czechoslovakia by arranging the Munich Agreement that gave Germany the Sudetenland and was perceived at the time to have averted a European war. Fascism_sentence_260

These hopes faded when Czechoslovakia was dissolved by the proclamation of the German client state of Slovakia, followed by the next day of the occupation of the remaining Czech Lands and the proclamation of the German Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. Fascism_sentence_261

At the same time from 1938 to 1939, Italy was demanding territorial and colonial concessions from France and Britain. Fascism_sentence_262

In 1939, Germany prepared for war with Poland, but attempted to gain territorial concessions from Poland through diplomatic means. Fascism_sentence_263

The Polish government did not trust Hitler's promises and refused to accept Germany's demands. Fascism_sentence_264

The invasion of Poland by Germany was deemed unacceptable by Britain, France and their allies, resulting in their mutual declaration of war against Germany that was deemed the aggressor in the war in Poland, resulting in the outbreak of World War II. Fascism_sentence_265

In 1940, Mussolini led Italy into World War II on the side of the Axis. Fascism_sentence_266

Mussolini was aware that Italy did not have the military capacity to carry out a long war with France or the United Kingdom and waited until France was on the verge of imminent collapse and surrender from the German invasion before declaring war on France and the United Kingdom on 10 June 1940 on the assumption that the war would be short-lived following France's collapse. Fascism_sentence_267

Mussolini believed that following a brief entry of Italy into war with France, followed by the imminent French surrender, Italy could gain some territorial concessions from France and then concentrate its forces on a major offensive in Egypt where British and Commonwealth forces were outnumbered by Italian forces. Fascism_sentence_268

Plans by Germany to invade the United Kingdom in 1940 failed after Germany lost the aerial warfare campaign in the Battle of Britain. Fascism_sentence_269

In 1941, the Axis campaign spread to the Soviet Union after Hitler launched Operation Barbarossa. Fascism_sentence_270

Axis forces at the height of their power controlled almost all of continental Europe. Fascism_sentence_271

The war became prolonged—contrary to Mussolini's plans—resulting in Italy losing battles on multiple fronts and requiring German assistance. Fascism_sentence_272

During World War II, the Axis Powers in Europe led by Nazi Germany participated in the extermination of millions of Poles, Jews, Gypsies and others in the genocide known as the Holocaust. Fascism_sentence_273

After 1942, Axis forces began to falter. Fascism_sentence_274

In 1943, after Italy faced multiple military failures, the complete reliance and subordination of Italy to Germany, the Allied invasion of Italy and the corresponding international humiliation, Mussolini was removed as head of government and arrested on the order of King Victor Emmanuel III, who proceeded to dismantle the Fascist state and declared Italy's switching of allegiance to the Allied side. Fascism_sentence_275

Mussolini was rescued from arrest by German forces and led the German client state, the Italian Social Republic from 1943 to 1945. Fascism_sentence_276

Nazi Germany faced multiple losses and steady Soviet and Western Allied offensives from 1943 to 1945. Fascism_sentence_277

On 28 April 1945, Mussolini was captured and executed by Italian communist partisans. Fascism_sentence_278

On 30 April 1945, Hitler committed suicide. Fascism_sentence_279

Shortly afterwards, Germany surrendered and the Nazi regime was systematically dismantled by the occupying Allied powers. Fascism_sentence_280

An International Military Tribunal was subsequently convened in Nuremberg. Fascism_sentence_281

Beginning in November 1945 and lasting through 1949, numerous Nazi political, military and economic leaders were tried and convicted of war crimes, with many of the worst offenders being sentenced to death and executed. Fascism_sentence_282

Post-World War II (1945–present) Fascism_section_21

Main article: Neo-fascism Fascism_sentence_283

The victory of the Allies over the Axis powers in World War II led to the collapse of many fascist regimes in Europe. Fascism_sentence_284

The Nuremberg Trials convicted several Nazi leaders of crimes against humanity involving the Holocaust. Fascism_sentence_285

However, there remained several movements and governments that were ideologically related to fascism. Fascism_sentence_286

Francisco Franco's Falangist one-party state in Spain was officially neutral during World War II and it survived the collapse of the Axis Powers. Fascism_sentence_287

Franco's rise to power had been directly assisted by the militaries of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany during the Spanish Civil War and Franco had sent volunteers to fight on the side of Nazi Germany against the Soviet Union during World War II. Fascism_sentence_288

The first years were characterized by a repression against the anti-fascist ideologies, a deep censorship and the suppression of democratic institutions (elected Parliament, Constitution of 1931, Regional Statutes of Autonomy). Fascism_sentence_289

After World War II and a period of international isolation, Franco's regime normalized relations with the Western powers during the Cold War, until Franco's death in 1975 and the transformation of Spain into a liberal democracy. Fascism_sentence_290

Historian Robert Paxton observes that one of the main problems in defining fascism is that it was widely mimicked. Fascism_sentence_291

Paxton says: "In fascism's heyday, in the 1930s, many regimes that were not functionally fascist borrowed elements of fascist decor in order to lend themselves an aura of force, vitality, and mass mobilization". Fascism_sentence_292

He goes on to observe that Salazar "crushed Portuguese fascism after he had copied some of its techniques of popular mobilization". Fascism_sentence_293

Paxton says that: Fascism_sentence_294

Historians tend to view the Estado Novo as para-fascist in nature, possessing minimal fascist tendencies. Fascism_sentence_295

Other historians, including Fernando Rosas and Manuel Villaverde Cabral, think that the Estado Novo should be considered fascist. Fascism_sentence_296

In Argentina, Peronism, associated with the regime of Juan Perón from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974, was influenced by fascism. Fascism_sentence_297

Between 1939 and 1941, prior to his rise to power, Perón had developed a deep admiration of Italian Fascism and modelled his economic policies on Italian Fascist policies. Fascism_sentence_298

The term neo-fascism refers to fascist movements after World War II. Fascism_sentence_299

In Italy, the Italian Social Movement led by Giorgio Almirante was a major neo-fascist movement that transformed itself into a self-described "post-fascist" movement called the National Alliance (AN), which has been an ally of Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia for a decade. Fascism_sentence_300

In 2008, AN joined Forza Italia in Berlusconi's new party The People of Freedom, but in 2012 a group of politicians split from The People of Freedom, refounding the party with the name Brothers of Italy. Fascism_sentence_301

In Germany, various neo-Nazi movements have been formed and banned in accordance with Germany's constitutional law which forbids Nazism. Fascism_sentence_302

The National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) is widely considered a neo-Nazi party, although the party does not publicly identify itself as such. Fascism_sentence_303

After the onset of the Great Recession and economic crisis in Greece, a movement known as the Golden Dawn, widely considered a neo-Nazi party, soared in support out of obscurity and won seats in Greece's parliament, espousing a staunch hostility towards minorities, illegal immigrants and refugees. Fascism_sentence_304

In 2013, after the murder of an anti-fascist musician by a person with links to Golden Dawn, the Greek government ordered the arrest of Golden Dawn's leader Nikolaos Michaloliakos and other Golden Dawn members on charges related to being associated with a criminal organization. Fascism_sentence_305

Tenets Fascism_section_22

Robert O. Paxton finds that even though fascism "maintained the existing regime of property and social hierarchy," it cannot be considered "simply a more muscular form of conservatism," because "fascism in power did carry out some changes profound enough to be called 'revolutionary'". Fascism_sentence_306

These transformations "often set fascists into conflict with conservatives rooted in families, churches, social rank, and property." Fascism_sentence_307

Paxton argues: Fascism_sentence_308

Nationalism with or without expansionism Fascism_section_23

Ultranationalism, combined with the myth of national rebirth, is a key foundation of fascism. Fascism_sentence_309

Robert Paxton argues that "a passionate nationalism" is the basis of fascism, combined with "a conspiratorial and Manichean view of history" which holds that "the chosen people have been weakened by political parties, social classes, unassimilable minorities, spoiled rentiers, and rationalist thinkers". Fascism_sentence_310

Roger Griffin identifies the core of fascism as being palingenetic ultranationalism. Fascism_sentence_311

The fascist view of a nation is of a single organic entity that binds people together by their ancestry and is a natural unifying force of people. Fascism_sentence_312

Fascism seeks to solve economic, political and social problems by achieving a millenarian national rebirth, exalting the nation or race above all else and promoting cults of unity, strength and purity. Fascism_sentence_313

European fascist movements typically espouse a racist conception of non-Europeans being inferior to Europeans. Fascism_sentence_314

Beyond this, fascists in Europe have not held a unified set of racial views. Fascism_sentence_315

Historically, most fascists promoted imperialism, although there have been several fascist movements that were uninterested in the pursuit of new imperial ambitions. Fascism_sentence_316

For example, Nazism and Italian Fascism were expansionist and irredentist. Fascism_sentence_317

Falangism in Spain envisioned worldwide unification of Spanish-speaking peoples (Hispanidad). Fascism_sentence_318

British Fascism was non-interventionist, though it did embrace the British Empire. Fascism_sentence_319

Totalitarianism Fascism_section_24

Fascism promotes the establishment of a totalitarian state. Fascism_sentence_320

It opposes liberal democracy, rejects multi-party systems and may support a one-party state so that it may synthesize with the nation. Fascism_sentence_321

Mussolini's The Doctrine of Fascism (1932) – partly ghostwritten by philosopher Giovanni Gentile, who Mussolini described as "the philosopher of Fascism" – states: Fascism_sentence_322

In The Legal Basis of the Total State, Nazi political theorist Carl Schmitt described the Nazi intention to form a "strong state which guarantees a totality of political unity transcending all diversity" in order to avoid a "disastrous pluralism tearing the German people apart". Fascism_sentence_323

Fascist states pursued policies of social indoctrination through propaganda in education and the media, and regulation of the production of educational and media materials. Fascism_sentence_324

Education was designed to glorify the fascist movement and inform students of its historical and political importance to the nation. Fascism_sentence_325

It attempted to purge ideas that were not consistent with the beliefs of the fascist movement and to teach students to be obedient to the state. Fascism_sentence_326

Economy Fascism_section_25

Main article: Economics of fascism Fascism_sentence_327

Fascism presented itself as an alternative to both international socialism and free market capitalism. Fascism_sentence_328

While fascism opposed mainstream socialism, it sometimes regarded itself as a type of nationalist "socialism" to highlight their commitment to national solidarity and unity. Fascism_sentence_329

Fascists opposed international free market capitalism, but supported a type of productive capitalism. Fascism_sentence_330

Economic self-sufficiency, known as autarky, was a major goal of most fascist governments. Fascism_sentence_331

Fascist governments advocated resolution of domestic class conflict within a nation in order to secure national solidarity. Fascism_sentence_332

This would be done through the state mediating relations between the classes (contrary to the views of classical liberal-inspired capitalists). Fascism_sentence_333

While fascism was opposed to domestic class conflict, it was held that bourgeois-proletarian conflict existed primarily in national conflict between proletarian nations versus bourgeois nations. Fascism_sentence_334

Fascism condemned what it viewed as widespread character traits that it associated as the typical bourgeois mentality that it opposed, such as: materialism, crassness, cowardice and the inability to comprehend the heroic ideal of the fascist "warrior"; and associations with liberalism, individualism and parliamentarianism. Fascism_sentence_335

In 1918, Mussolini defined what he viewed as the proletarian character, defining proletarian as being one and the same with producers, a productivist perspective that associated all people deemed productive, including entrepreneurs, technicians, workers and soldiers as being proletarian. Fascism_sentence_336

He acknowledged the historical existence of both bourgeois and proletarian producers, but declared the need for bourgeois producers to merge with proletarian producers. Fascism_sentence_337

While fascism denounced the mainstream internationalist and Marxist socialisms, it claimed to economically represent a type of nationalist productivist socialism that while condemning parasitical capitalism, it was willing to accommodate productivist capitalism within it. Fascism_sentence_338

This was derived from Henri de Saint Simon, whose ideas inspired the creation of utopian socialism and influenced other ideologies, that stressed solidarity rather than class war and whose conception of productive people in the economy included both productive workers and productive bosses to challenge the influence of the aristocracy and unproductive financial speculators. Fascism_sentence_339

Saint Simon's vision combined the traditionalist right-wing criticisms of the French Revolution with a left-wing belief in the need for association or collaboration of productive people in society. Fascism_sentence_340

Whereas Marxism condemned capitalism as a system of exploitative property relations, fascism saw the nature of the control of credit and money in the contemporary capitalist system as abusive. Fascism_sentence_341

Unlike Marxism, fascism did not see class conflict between the Marxist-defined proletariat and the bourgeoisie as a given or as an engine of historical materialism. Fascism_sentence_342

Instead, it viewed workers and productive capitalists in common as productive people who were in conflict with parasitic elements in society including: corrupt political parties, corrupt financial capital and feeble people. Fascism_sentence_343

Fascist leaders such as Mussolini and Hitler spoke of the need to create a new managerial elite led by engineers and captains of industry—but free from the parasitic leadership of industries. Fascism_sentence_344

Hitler stated that the Nazi Party supported bodenständigen Kapitalismus ("productive capitalism") that was based upon profit earned from one's own labour, but condemned unproductive capitalism or loan capitalism, which derived profit from speculation. Fascism_sentence_345

Fascist economics supported a state-controlled economy that accepted a mix of private and public ownership over the means of production. Fascism_sentence_346

Economic planning was applied to both the public and private sector and the prosperity of private enterprise depended on its acceptance of synchronizing itself with the economic goals of the state. Fascism_sentence_347

Fascist economic ideology supported the profit motive, but emphasized that industries must uphold the national interest as superior to private profit. Fascism_sentence_348

While fascism accepted the importance of material wealth and power, it condemned materialism which identified as being present in both communism and capitalism and criticized materialism for lacking acknowledgement of the role of the spirit. Fascism_sentence_349

In particular, fascists criticized capitalism not because of its competitive nature nor support of private property, which fascists supported—but due to its materialism, individualism, alleged bourgeois decadence and alleged indifference to the nation. Fascism_sentence_350

Fascism denounced Marxism for its advocacy of materialist internationalist class identity, which fascists regarded as an attack upon the emotional and spiritual bonds of the nation and a threat to the achievement of genuine national solidarity. Fascism_sentence_351

In discussing the spread of fascism beyond Italy, historian Philip Morgan states: Fascism_sentence_352

Fascists criticized egalitarianism as preserving the weak, and they instead promoted social Darwinist views and policies. Fascism_sentence_353

They were in principle opposed to the idea of social welfare, arguing that it "encouraged the preservation of the degenerate and the feeble." Fascism_sentence_354

The Nazi Party condemned the welfare system of the Weimar Republic, as well as private charity and philanthropy, for supporting people whom they regarded as racially inferior and weak, and who should have been weeded out in the process of natural selection. Fascism_sentence_355

Nevertheless, faced with the mass unemployment and poverty of the Great Depression, the Nazis found it necessary to set up charitable institutions to help racially-pure Germans in order to maintain popular support, while arguing that this represented "racial self-help" and not indiscriminate charity or universal social welfare. Fascism_sentence_356

Thus, Nazi programs such as the Winter Relief of the German People and the broader National Socialist People's Welfare (NSV) were organized as quasi-private institutions, officially relying on private donations from Germans to help others of their race—although in practice those who refused to donate could face severe consequences. Fascism_sentence_357

Unlike the social welfare institutions of the Weimar Republic and the Christian charities, the NSV distributed assistance on explicitly racial grounds. Fascism_sentence_358

It provided support only to those who were "racially sound, capable of and willing to work, politically reliable, and willing and able to reproduce." Fascism_sentence_359

Non-Aryans were excluded, as well as the "work-shy", "asocials" and the "hereditarily ill." Under these conditions, by 1939, over 17 million Germans had obtained assistance from the NSV, and the agency "projected a powerful image of caring and support" for "those who were judged to have got into difficulties through no fault of their own." Fascism_sentence_360

Yet the organization was "feared and disliked among society's poorest" because it resorted to intrusive questioning and monitoring to judge who was worthy of support. Fascism_sentence_361

Action Fascism_section_26

Fascism emphasizes direct action, including supporting the legitimacy of political violence, as a core part of its politics. Fascism_sentence_362

Fascism views violent action as a necessity in politics that fascism identifies as being an "endless struggle". Fascism_sentence_363

This emphasis on the use of political violence means that most fascist parties have also created their own private militias (e.g. the Nazi Party's Brown shirts and Fascist Italy's Blackshirts). Fascism_sentence_364

The basis of fascism's support of violent action in politics is connected to social Darwinism. Fascism_sentence_365

Fascist movements have commonly held social Darwinist views of nations, races and societies. Fascism_sentence_366

They say that nations and races must purge themselves of socially and biologically weak or degenerate people, while simultaneously promoting the creation of strong people, in order to survive in a world defined by perpetual national and racial conflict. Fascism_sentence_367

Age and gender roles Fascism_section_27

Fascism emphasizes youth both in a physical sense of age and in a spiritual sense as related to virility and commitment to action. Fascism_sentence_368

The Italian Fascists' political anthem was called Giovinezza ("The Youth"). Fascism_sentence_369

Fascism identifies the physical age period of youth as a critical time for the moral development of people who will affect society. Fascism_sentence_370

Walter Laqueur argues that: Fascism_sentence_371

Fascism_description_list_2

  • The corollaries of the cult of war and physical danger were the cult of brutality, strength, and sexuality … [fascism is] a true counter-civilization: rejecting the sophisticated rationalist humanism of Old Europe, fascism sets up as its ideal the primitive instincts and primal emotions of the barbarian.Fascism_item_2_6

Italian Fascism pursued what it called "moral hygiene" of youth, particularly regarding sexuality. Fascism_sentence_372

Fascist Italy promoted what it considered normal sexual behaviour in youth while denouncing what it considered deviant sexual behaviour. Fascism_sentence_373

It condemned pornography, most forms of birth control and contraceptive devices (with the exception of the condom), homosexuality and prostitution as deviant sexual behaviour, although enforcement of laws opposed to such practices was erratic and authorities often turned a blind eye. Fascism_sentence_374

Fascist Italy regarded the promotion of male sexual excitation before puberty as the cause of criminality amongst male youth, declared homosexuality a social disease and pursued an aggressive campaign to reduce prostitution of young women. Fascism_sentence_375

Mussolini perceived women's primary role as primarily child bearers and men, warriors—once saying: "War is to man what maternity is to the woman". Fascism_sentence_376

In an effort to increase birthrates, the Italian Fascist government gave financial incentives to women who raised large families and initiated policies intended to reduce the number of women employed. Fascism_sentence_377

Italian Fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation" and the Italian Fascist government held ritual ceremonies to honour women's role within the Italian nation. Fascism_sentence_378

In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment" and that for women, working was "incompatible with childbearing". Fascism_sentence_379

Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force". Fascism_sentence_380

The German Nazi government strongly encouraged women to stay at home to bear children and keep house. Fascism_sentence_381

This policy was reinforced by bestowing the Cross of Honor of the German Mother on women bearing four or more children. Fascism_sentence_382

The unemployment rate was cut substantially, mostly through arms production and sending women home so that men could take their jobs. Fascism_sentence_383

Nazi propaganda sometimes promoted premarital and extramarital sexual relations, unwed motherhood and divorce, but at other times the Nazis opposed such behaviour. Fascism_sentence_384

The Nazis decriminalized abortion in cases where fetuses had hereditary defects or were of a race the government disapproved of, while the abortion of healthy pure German, Aryan fetuses remained strictly forbidden. Fascism_sentence_385

For non-Aryans, abortion was often compulsory. Fascism_sentence_386

Their eugenics program also stemmed from the "progressive biomedical model" of Weimar Germany. Fascism_sentence_387

In 1935, Nazi Germany expanded the legality of abortion by amending its eugenics law, to promote abortion for women with hereditary disorders. Fascism_sentence_388

The law allowed abortion if a woman gave her permission and the fetus was not yet viable and for purposes of so-called racial hygiene. Fascism_sentence_389

The Nazis said that homosexuality was degenerate, effeminate, perverted and undermined masculinity because it did not produce children. Fascism_sentence_390

They considered homosexuality curable through therapy, citing modern scientism and the study of sexology, which said that homosexuality could be felt by "normal" people and not just an abnormal minority. Fascism_sentence_391

Open homosexuals were interned in Nazi concentration camps. Fascism_sentence_392

Palingenesis and modernism Fascism_section_28

Fascism emphasizes both palingenesis (national rebirth or re-creation) and modernism. Fascism_sentence_393

In particular, fascism's nationalism has been identified as having a palingenetic character. Fascism_sentence_394

Fascism promotes the regeneration of the nation and purging it of decadence. Fascism_sentence_395

Fascism accepts forms of modernism that it deems promotes national regeneration while rejecting forms of modernism that are regarded as antithetical to national regeneration. Fascism_sentence_396

Fascism aestheticized modern technology and its association with speed, power and violence. Fascism_sentence_397

Fascism admired advances in the economy in the early 20th century, particularly Fordism and scientific management. Fascism_sentence_398

Fascist modernism has been recognized as inspired or developed by various figures—such as Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Ernst Jünger, Gottfried Benn, Louis-Ferdinand Céline, Knut Hamsun, Ezra Pound and Wyndham Lewis. Fascism_sentence_399

In Italy, such modernist influence was exemplified by Marinetti who advocated a palingenetic modernist society that condemned liberal-bourgeois values of tradition and psychology, while promoting a technological-martial religion of national renewal that emphasized militant nationalism. Fascism_sentence_400

In Germany, it was exemplified by Jünger who was influenced by his observation of the technological warfare during World War I and claimed that a new social class had been created that he described as the "warrior-worker". Fascism_sentence_401

Jünger, like Marinetti, emphasized the revolutionary capacities of technology. Fascism_sentence_402

He emphasized an "organic construction" between human and machine as a liberating and regenerative force that challenged liberal democracy, conceptions of individual autonomy, bourgeois nihilism and decadence. Fascism_sentence_403

He conceived of a society based on a totalitarian concept of "total mobilization" of such disciplined warrior-workers. Fascism_sentence_404

Fascist aesthetics Fascism_section_29

According to cultural critic Susan Sontag: Fascism_sentence_405

Sontag also enumerates some commonalities between fascist art and the official art of communist countries, such as the obeisance of the masses to the hero, and a preference for the monumental and the "grandiose and rigid" choreography of mass bodies. Fascism_sentence_406

But whereas official communist art "aims to expound and reinforce a utopian morality", the art of fascist countries such as Nazi Germany "displays a utopian aesthetics – that of physical perfection", in a way that is "both prurient and idealizing". Fascism_sentence_407

"Fascist aesthetics", according to Sontag, "is based on the containment of vital forces; movements are confined, held tight, held in." Fascism_sentence_408

And its appeal is not necessarily limited to those who share the fascist political ideology, because "fascism ... stands for an ideal or rather ideals that are persistent today under the other banners: the ideal of life as art, the cult of beauty, the fetishism of courage, the dissolution of alienation in ecstatic feelings of community; the repudiation of the intellect; the family of man (under the parenthood of leaders)." Fascism_sentence_409

Criticism Fascism_section_30

Fascism has been widely criticized and condemned in modern times since the defeat of the Axis Powers in World War II. Fascism_sentence_410

Anti-democratic and tyrannical Fascism_section_31

Further information: Anti-democratic thought Fascism_sentence_411

One of the most common and strongest criticisms of fascism is that it is a tyranny. Fascism_sentence_412

Fascism is deliberately and entirely non-democratic and anti-democratic. Fascism_sentence_413

Unprincipled opportunism Fascism_section_32

Some critics of Italian fascism have said that much of the ideology was merely a by-product of unprincipled opportunism by Mussolini and that he changed his political stances merely to bolster his personal ambitions while he disguised them as being purposeful to the public. Fascism_sentence_414

Richard Washburn Child, the American ambassador to Italy who worked with Mussolini and became his friend and admirer, defended Mussolini's opportunistic behaviour by writing: "Opportunist is a term of reproach used to brand men who fit themselves to conditions for the reasons of self-interest. Fascism_sentence_415

Mussolini, as I have learned to know him, is an opportunist in the sense that he believed that mankind itself must be fitted to changing conditions rather than to fixed theories, no matter how many hopes and prayers have been expended on theories and programmes". Fascism_sentence_416

Child quoted Mussolini as saying: "The sanctity of an ism is not in the ism; it has no sanctity beyond its power to do, to work, to succeed in practice. Fascism_sentence_417

It may have succeeded yesterday and fail to-morrow. Fascism_sentence_418

Failed yesterday and succeed to-morrow. Fascism_sentence_419

The machine first of all must run! Fascism_sentence_420

". Fascism_sentence_421

Some have criticized Mussolini's actions during the outbreak of World War I as opportunist for seeming to suddenly abandon Marxist egalitarian internationalism for non-egalitarian nationalism and note, to that effect, that upon Mussolini endorsing Italy's intervention in the war against Germany and Austria-Hungary, he and the new fascist movement received financial support from foreign sources, such as Ansaldo (an armaments firm) and other companies as well as the British Security Service MI5. Fascism_sentence_422

Some, including Mussolini's socialist opponents at the time, have noted that regardless of the financial support he accepted for his pro-interventionist stance, Mussolini was free to write whatever he wished in his newspaper Il Popolo d'Italia without prior sanctioning from his financial backers. Fascism_sentence_423

Furthermore, the major source of financial support that Mussolini and the fascist movement received in World War I was from France and is widely believed to have been French socialists who supported the French government's war against Germany and who sent support to Italian socialists who wanted Italian intervention on France's side. Fascism_sentence_424

Mussolini's transformation away from Marxism into what eventually became fascism began prior to World War I, as Mussolini had grown increasingly pessimistic about Marxism and egalitarianism while becoming increasingly supportive of figures who opposed egalitarianism, such as Friedrich Nietzsche. Fascism_sentence_425

By 1902, Mussolini was studying Georges Sorel, Nietzsche and Vilfredo Pareto. Fascism_sentence_426

Sorel's emphasis on the need for overthrowing decadent liberal democracy and capitalism by the use of violence, direct action, general strikes and neo-Machiavellian appeals to emotion impressed Mussolini deeply. Fascism_sentence_427

Mussolini's use of Nietzsche made him a highly unorthodox socialist, due to Nietzsche's promotion of elitism and anti-egalitarian views. Fascism_sentence_428

Prior to World War I, Mussolini's writings over time indicated that he had abandoned the Marxism and egalitarianism that he had previously supported in favour of Nietzsche's übermensch concept and anti-egalitarianism. Fascism_sentence_429

In 1908, Mussolini wrote a short essay called "Philosophy of Strength" based on his Nietzschean influence, in which Mussolini openly spoke fondly of the ramifications of an impending war in Europe in challenging both religion and nihilism: "[A] new kind of free spirit will come, strengthened by the war, ... a spirit equipped with a kind of sublime perversity, ... a new free spirit will triumph over God and over Nothing". Fascism_sentence_430

Ideological dishonesty Fascism_section_33

Fascism has been criticized for being ideologically dishonest. Fascism_sentence_431

Major examples of ideological dishonesty have been identified in Italian fascism's changing relationship with German Nazism. Fascism_sentence_432

Fascist Italy's official foreign policy positions were known to commonly utilize rhetorical ideological hyperbole to justify its actions, although during Dino Grandi's tenure as Italy's foreign minister the country engaged in realpolitik free of such fascist hyperbole. Fascism_sentence_433

Italian fascism's stance towards German Nazism fluctuated from support from the late 1920s to 1934, when it celebrated Hitler's rise to power and Mussolini's first meeting with Hitler in 1934; to opposition from 1934 to 1936 after the assassination of Italy's allied leader in Austria, Engelbert Dollfuss, by Austrian Nazis; and again back to support after 1936, when Germany was the only significant power that did not denounce Italy's invasion and occupation of Ethiopia. Fascism_sentence_434

After antagonism exploded between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy over the assassination of Austrian Chancellor Dollfuss in 1934, Mussolini and Italian fascists denounced and ridiculed Nazism's racial theories, particularly by denouncing its Nordicism, while promoting Mediterraneanism. Fascism_sentence_435

Mussolini himself responded to Nordicists' claims of Italy being divided into Nordic and Mediterranean racial areas due to Germanic invasions of Northern Italy by claiming that while Germanic tribes such as the Lombards took control of Italy after the fall of Ancient Rome, they arrived in small numbers (about 8,000) and quickly assimilated into Roman culture and spoke the Latin language within fifty years. Fascism_sentence_436

Italian fascism was influenced by the tradition of Italian nationalists scornfully looking down upon Nordicists' claims and taking pride in comparing the age and sophistication of ancient Roman civilization as well as the classical revival in the Renaissance to that of Nordic societies that Italian nationalists described as "newcomers" to civilization in comparison. Fascism_sentence_437

At the height of antagonism between the Nazis and Italian fascists over race, Mussolini claimed that the Germans themselves were not a pure race and noted with irony that the Nazi theory of German racial superiority was based on the theories of non-German foreigners, such as Frenchman Arthur de Gobineau. Fascism_sentence_438

After the tension in German-Italian relations diminished during the late 1930s, Italian fascism sought to harmonize its ideology with German Nazism and combined Nordicist and Mediterranean racial theories, noting that Italians were members of the Aryan Race, composed of a mixed Nordic-Mediterranean subtype. Fascism_sentence_439

In 1938, Mussolini declared upon Italy's adoption of antisemitic laws that Italian fascism had always been antisemitic, In fact, Italian fascism did not endorse antisemitism until the late 1930s when Mussolini feared alienating antisemitic Nazi Germany, whose power and influence were growing in Europe. Fascism_sentence_440

Prior to that period there had been notable Jewish Italians who had been senior Italian fascist officials, including Margherita Sarfatti, who had also been Mussolini's mistress. Fascism_sentence_441

Also contrary to Mussolini's claim in 1938, only a small number of Italian fascists were staunchly antisemitic (such as Roberto Farinacci and Giuseppe Preziosi), while others such as Italo Balbo, who came from Ferrara which had one of Italy's largest Jewish communities, were disgusted by the antisemitic laws and opposed them. Fascism_sentence_442

Fascism scholar Mark Neocleous notes that while Italian fascism did not have a clear commitment to antisemitism, there were occasional antisemitic statements issued prior to 1938, such as Mussolini in 1919 declaring that the Jewish bankers in London and New York were connected by race to the Russian Bolsheviks and that eight percent of the Russian Bolsheviks were Jews. Fascism_sentence_443

See also Fascism_section_34

Credits to the contents of this page go to the authors of the corresponding Wikipedia page: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fascism.