I Ching

From Wikipedia for FEVERv2
Jump to navigation Jump to search

"The Book of Changes" redirects here. I Ching_sentence_0

For other uses, see The Book of Changes (disambiguation). I Ching_sentence_1

For other uses of "I Ching" or "Yijing", see I Ching (disambiguation) and Yijing (disambiguation). I Ching_sentence_2

I Ching_table_infobox_0

I Ching (Yijing)I Ching_table_caption_0
Original titleI Ching_header_cell_0_0_0 易 *lekI Ching_cell_0_0_1
CountryI Ching_header_cell_0_1_0 Zhou dynasty (China)I Ching_cell_0_1_1
GenreI Ching_header_cell_0_2_0 Divination, cosmologyI Ching_cell_0_2_1
PublishedI Ching_header_cell_0_3_0 Late 9th century BCI Ching_cell_0_3_1

I Ching_table_infobox_1

I Ching

Book of Changes / Classic of ChangesI Ching_header_cell_1_0_0

Traditional ChineseI Ching_header_cell_1_1_0 易經I Ching_cell_1_1_1
Simplified ChineseI Ching_header_cell_1_2_0 易经I Ching_cell_1_2_1
Hanyu PinyinI Ching_header_cell_1_3_0 Yì jīngI Ching_cell_1_3_1
Literal meaningI Ching_header_cell_1_4_0 "Classic of Changes"I Ching_cell_1_4_1
TranscriptionsStandard MandarinHanyu PinyinYì jīngGwoyeu RomatzyhYih jingWade–GilesI chingIPA[î tɕíŋWuSuzhouneseYih jinHakkaRomanizationYit gangYue: CantoneseYale RomanizationYihk gīngJyutpingJik gingIPA[jèːk kíːŋSouthern MinHokkien POJIa̍h-keng (col.)

E̍k-keng (lit.)Eastern MinFuzhou BUCĭk-gĭngMiddle ChineseMiddle Chineseyek-gengOld ChineseBaxter (1992)*ljek (keng)Baxter–Sagart (2014)*lek (k-lˤeng)I Ching_cell_1_5_0

TranscriptionsI Ching_header_cell_1_6_0
Standard MandarinI Ching_header_cell_1_7_0
Hanyu PinyinI Ching_header_cell_1_8_0 Yì jīngI Ching_cell_1_8_1
Gwoyeu RomatzyhI Ching_header_cell_1_9_0 Yih jingI Ching_cell_1_9_1
Wade–GilesI Ching_header_cell_1_10_0 I chingI Ching_cell_1_10_1
IPAI Ching_header_cell_1_11_0 [î tɕíŋI Ching_cell_1_11_1
WuI Ching_header_cell_1_12_0
SuzhouneseI Ching_header_cell_1_13_0 Yih jinI Ching_cell_1_13_1
HakkaI Ching_header_cell_1_14_0
RomanizationI Ching_header_cell_1_15_0 Yit gangI Ching_cell_1_15_1
Yue: CantoneseI Ching_header_cell_1_16_0
Yale RomanizationI Ching_header_cell_1_17_0 Yihk gīngI Ching_cell_1_17_1
JyutpingI Ching_header_cell_1_18_0 Jik gingI Ching_cell_1_18_1
IPAI Ching_header_cell_1_19_0 [jèːk kíːŋI Ching_cell_1_19_1
Southern MinI Ching_header_cell_1_20_0
Hokkien POJI Ching_header_cell_1_21_0 Ia̍h-keng (col.)

E̍k-keng (lit.)I Ching_cell_1_21_1

Eastern MinI Ching_header_cell_1_22_0
Fuzhou BUCI Ching_header_cell_1_23_0 ĭk-gĭngI Ching_cell_1_23_1
Middle ChineseI Ching_header_cell_1_24_0
Middle ChineseI Ching_header_cell_1_25_0 yek-gengI Ching_cell_1_25_1
Old ChineseI Ching_header_cell_1_26_0
Baxter (1992)I Ching_header_cell_1_27_0 *ljek (keng)I Ching_cell_1_27_1
Baxter–Sagart (2014)I Ching_header_cell_1_28_0 *lek (k-lˤeng)I Ching_cell_1_28_1

The I Ching or Yi Jing (Chinese: 易經, Mandarin: [î tɕíŋ (listen)), usually translated as Book of Changes or Classic of Changes, is an ancient Chinese divination text and among the oldest of the Chinese classics. I Ching_sentence_3

Originally a divination manual in the Western Zhou period (1000–750 BC), over the course of the Warring States period and early imperial period (500–200 BC) it was transformed into a cosmological text with a series of philosophical commentaries known as the "Ten Wings". I Ching_sentence_4

After becoming part of the Five Classics in the 2nd century BC, the I Ching was the subject of scholarly commentary and the basis for divination practice for centuries across the Far East, and eventually took on an influential role in Western understanding of Eastern thought. I Ching_sentence_5

The I Ching is used in a type of divination called cleromancy, which uses apparently random numbers. I Ching_sentence_6

Six numbers between 6 and 9 are turned into a hexagram, which can then be looked up in the text, in which hexagrams are arranged in an order known as the King Wen sequence. I Ching_sentence_7

The interpretation of the readings found in the I Ching is a matter which has been endlessly discussed and debated over in the centuries following its compilation, and many commentators have used the book symbolically, often to provide guidance for moral decision making as informed by Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism. I Ching_sentence_8

The hexagrams themselves have often acquired cosmological significance and been paralleled with many other traditional names for the processes of change such as yin and yang and Wu Xing. I Ching_sentence_9

The divination text: Zhou yi I Ching_section_0

History I Ching_section_1

The core of the I Ching is a Western Zhou divination text called the Changes of Zhou (Chinese: 周易; pinyin: Zhōu yì). I Ching_sentence_10

Various modern scholars suggest dates ranging between the 10th and 4th centuries BC for the assembly of the text in approximately its current form. I Ching_sentence_11

Based on a comparison of the language of the Zhou yi with dated bronze inscriptions, the American sinologist Edward Shaughnessy dated its compilation in its current form to the early decades of the reign of King Xuan of Zhou, in the last quarter of the 9th century BC. I Ching_sentence_12

A copy of the text in the Shanghai Museum corpus of bamboo and wooden slips (discovered in 1994) shows that the Zhou yi was used throughout all levels of Chinese society in its current form by 300 BC, but still contained small variations as late as the Warring States period. I Ching_sentence_13

It is possible that other divination systems existed at this time; the Rites of Zhou name two other such systems, the Lianshan and the Guicang. I Ching_sentence_14

Name and authorship I Ching_section_2

The name Zhou yi literally means the "changes" (易; Yì) of the Zhou dynasty. I Ching_sentence_15

The "changes" involved have been interpreted as the transformations of hexagrams, of their lines, or of the numbers obtained from the divination. I Ching_sentence_16

Feng Youlan proposed that the word for "changes" originally meant "easy", as in a form of divination easier than the oracle bones, but there is little evidence for this. I Ching_sentence_17

There is also an ancient folk etymology that sees the character for "changes" as containing the sun and moon, the cycle of the day. I Ching_sentence_18

Modern Sinologists believe the character to be derived either from an image of the sun emerging from clouds, or from the content of a vessel being changed into another. I Ching_sentence_19

The Zhou yi was traditionally ascribed to the Zhou cultural heroes King Wen of Zhou and the Duke of Zhou, and was also associated with the legendary world ruler Fu Xi. I Ching_sentence_20

According to the canonical Great Commentary, Fu Xi observed the patterns of the world and created the eight trigrams (八卦; bāguà), "in order to become thoroughly conversant with the numinous and bright and to classify the myriad things." I Ching_sentence_21

The Zhou yi itself does not contain this legend and indeed says nothing about its own origins. I Ching_sentence_22

The Rites of Zhou, however, also claims that the hexagrams of the Zhou yi were derived from an initial set of eight trigrams. I Ching_sentence_23

During the Han dynasty there were various opinions about the historical relationship between the trigrams and the hexagrams. I Ching_sentence_24

Eventually, a consensus formed around 2nd-century AD scholar Ma Rong's attribution of the text to the joint work of Fu Xi, King Wen of Zhou, the Duke of Zhou, and Confucius, but this traditional attribution is no longer generally accepted. I Ching_sentence_25

Structure I Ching_section_3

The basic unit of the Zhou yi is the hexagram (卦 guà), a figure composed of six stacked horizontal lines (爻 yáo). I Ching_sentence_26

Each line is either broken or unbroken. I Ching_sentence_27

The received text of the Zhou yi contains all 64 possible hexagrams, along with the hexagram's name (卦名 guàmíng), a short hexagram statement (彖 tuàn), and six line statements (爻辭 yáocí). I Ching_sentence_28

The statements were used to determine the results of divination, but the reasons for having two different methods of reading the hexagram are not known, and it is not known why hexagram statements would be read over line statements or vice versa. I Ching_sentence_29

The book opens with the first hexagram statement, yuán hēng lì zhēn (traditional Chinese: 元亨利貞; simplified Chinese: 元亨利贞). I Ching_sentence_30

These four words, translated traditionally by James Legge as "originating and penetrating, advantageous and firm," are often repeated in the hexagram statements and were already considered an important part of I Ching interpretation in the 6th century BC. I Ching_sentence_31

Edward Shaughnessy describes this statement as affirming an "initial receipt" of an offering, "beneficial" for further "divining". I Ching_sentence_32

The word zhēn (貞, ancient form ) was also used for the verb "divine" in the oracle bones of the late Shang dynasty, which preceded the Zhou. I Ching_sentence_33

It also carried meanings of being or making upright or correct, and was defined by the Eastern Han scholar Zheng Xuan as "to enquire into the correctness" of a proposed activity. I Ching_sentence_34

The names of the hexagrams are usually words that appear in their respective line statements, but in five cases (2, 9, 26, 61, and 63) an unrelated character of unclear purpose appears. I Ching_sentence_35

The hexagram names could have been chosen arbitrarily from the line statements, but it is also possible that the line statements were derived from the hexagram names. I Ching_sentence_36

The line statements, which make up most of the book, are exceedingly cryptic. I Ching_sentence_37

Each line begins with a word indicating the line number, "base, 2, 3, 4, 5, top", and either the number 6 for a broken line, or the number 9 for a whole line. I Ching_sentence_38

Hexagrams 1 and 2 have an extra line statement, named yong. I Ching_sentence_39

Following the line number, the line statements may make oracular or prognostic statements. I Ching_sentence_40

Some line statements also contain poetry or references to historical events. I Ching_sentence_41

Usage I Ching_section_4

Main article: I Ching divination I Ching_sentence_42

Archaeological evidence shows that Zhou dynasty divination was grounded in cleromancy, the production of seemingly random numbers to determine divine intent. I Ching_sentence_43

The Zhou yi provided a guide to cleromancy that used the stalks of the yarrow plant, but it is not known how the yarrow stalks became numbers, or how specific lines were chosen from the line readings. I Ching_sentence_44

In the hexagrams, broken lines were used as shorthand for the numbers 6 (六) and 8 (八), and solid lines were shorthand for values of 7 (七) and 9 (九). I Ching_sentence_45

The Great Commentary contains a late classic description of a process where various numerological operations are performed on a bundle of 50 stalks, leaving remainders of 6 to 9. I Ching_sentence_46

Like the Zhou yi itself, yarrow stalk divination dates to the Western Zhou period, although its modern form is a reconstruction. I Ching_sentence_47

The ancient narratives Zuo zhuan and Guoyu contain the oldest descriptions of divination using the Zhou yi. I Ching_sentence_48

The two histories describe more than twenty successful divinations conducted by professional soothsayers for royal families between 671 BC and 487 BC. I Ching_sentence_49

The method of divination is not explained, and none of the stories employ predetermined commentaries, patterns, or interpretations. I Ching_sentence_50

Only the hexagrams and line statements are used. I Ching_sentence_51

By the 4th century BC, the authority of the Zhou yi was also cited for rhetorical purposes, without relation to any stated divination. I Ching_sentence_52

The Zuo zhuan does not contain records of private individuals, but Qin dynasty records found at Shuihudi show that the hexagrams were privately consulted to answer questions such as business, health, children, and determining lucky days. I Ching_sentence_53

The most common form of divination with the I Ching in use today is a reconstruction of the method described in these histories, in the 300 BC Great Commentary, and later in the Huainanzi and the Lunheng. I Ching_sentence_54

From the Great Commentary's description, the Neo-Confucian Zhu Xi reconstructed a method of yarrow stalk divination that is still used throughout the Far East. I Ching_sentence_55

In the modern period, Gao Heng attempted his own reconstruction, which varies from Zhu Xi in places. I Ching_sentence_56

Another divination method, employing coins, became widely used in the Tang dynasty and is still used today. I Ching_sentence_57

In the modern period; alternative methods such as specialized dice and cartomancy have also appeared. I Ching_sentence_58

In the Zuo zhuan stories, individual lines of hexagrams are denoted by using the genitive particle zhi, followed by the name of another hexagram where that specific line had another form. I Ching_sentence_59

In later attempts to reconstruct ancient divination methods, the word zhi was interpreted as a verb meaning "moving to", an apparent indication that hexagrams could be transformed into other hexagrams. I Ching_sentence_60

However, there are no instances of "changeable lines" in the Zuo zhuan. I Ching_sentence_61

In all 12 out of 12 line statements quoted, the original hexagrams are used to produce the oracle. I Ching_sentence_62

The classic: I Ching I Ching_section_5

In 136 BC, Emperor Wu of Han named the Zhou yi "the first among the classics", dubbing it the Classic of Changes or I Ching. I Ching_sentence_63

Emperor Wu's placement of the I Ching among the Five Classics was informed by a broad span of cultural influences that included Confucianism, Taoism, Legalism, yin-yang cosmology, and Wu Xing physical theory. I Ching_sentence_64

While the Zhou yi does not contain any cosmological analogies, the I Ching was read as a microcosm of the universe that offered complex, symbolic correspondences. I Ching_sentence_65

The official edition of the text was literally set in stone, as one of the Xiping Stone Classics. I Ching_sentence_66

The canonized I Ching became the standard text for over two thousand years, until alternate versions of the Zhou yi and related texts were discovered in the 20th century. I Ching_sentence_67

Ten Wings I Ching_section_6

Main article: Ten Wings I Ching_sentence_68

Part of the canonization of the Zhou yi bound it to a set of ten commentaries called the Ten Wings. I Ching_sentence_69

The Ten Wings are of a much later provenance than the Zhou yi, and are the production of a different society. I Ching_sentence_70

The Zhou yi was written in Early Old Chinese, while the Ten Wings were written in a predecessor to Middle Chinese. I Ching_sentence_71

The specific origins of the Ten Wings are still a complete mystery to academics. I Ching_sentence_72

Regardless of their historical relation to the text, the philosophical depth of the Ten Wings made the I Ching a perfect fit to Han period Confucian scholarship. I Ching_sentence_73

The inclusion of the Ten Wings reflects a widespread recognition in ancient China, found in the Zuo zhuan and other pre-Han texts, that the I Ching was a rich moral and symbolic document useful for more than professional divination. I Ching_sentence_74

Arguably the most important of the Ten Wings is the Great Commentary (Dazhuan) or Xi ci, which dates to roughly 300 BC. I Ching_sentence_75

The Great Commentary describes the I Ching as a microcosm of the universe and a symbolic description of the processes of change. I Ching_sentence_76

By partaking in the spiritual experience of the I Ching, the Great Commentary states, the individual can understand the deeper patterns of the universe. I Ching_sentence_77

Among other subjects, it explains how the eight trigrams proceeded from the eternal oneness of the universe through three bifurcations. I Ching_sentence_78

The other Wings provide different perspectives on essentially the same viewpoint, giving ancient, cosmic authority to the I Ching. I Ching_sentence_79

For example, the Wenyan provides a moral interpretation that parallels the first two hexagrams, 乾 (qián) and 坤 (kūn), with Heaven and Earth, and the Shuogua attributes to the symbolic function of the hexagrams the ability to understand self, world, and destiny. I Ching_sentence_80

Throughout the Ten Wings, there are passages that seem to purposefully increase the ambiguity of the base text, pointing to a recognition of multiple layers of symbolism. I Ching_sentence_81

The Great Commentary associates knowledge of the I Ching with the ability to "delight in Heaven and understand fate;" the sage who reads it will see cosmological patterns and not despair in mere material difficulties. I Ching_sentence_82

The Japanese word for "metaphysics", keijijōgaku (形而上学; pinyin: xíng ér shàng xué) is derived from a statement found in the Great Commentary that "what is above form [xíng ér shàng] is called Dao; what is under form is called a tool". I Ching_sentence_83

The word has also been borrowed into Korean and re-borrowed back into Chinese. I Ching_sentence_84

The Ten Wings were traditionally attributed to Confucius, possibly based on a misreading of the Records of the Grand Historian. I Ching_sentence_85

Although it rested on historically shaky grounds, the association of the I Ching with Confucius gave weight to the text and was taken as an article of faith throughout the Han and Tang dynasties. I Ching_sentence_86

The I Ching was not included in the burning of the Confucian classics, and textual evidence strongly suggests that Confucius did not consider the Zhou yi a "classic". I Ching_sentence_87

An ancient commentary on the Zhou yi found at Mawangdui portrays Confucius as endorsing it as a source of wisdom first and an imperfect divination text second. I Ching_sentence_88

Hexagrams I Ching_section_7

Main article: Hexagram (I Ching) I Ching_sentence_89

For a more comprehensive list, see List of hexagrams of the I Ching. I Ching_sentence_90

In the canonical I Ching, the hexagrams are arranged in an order dubbed the King Wen sequence after King Wen of Zhou, who founded the Zhou dynasty and supposedly reformed the method of interpretation. I Ching_sentence_91

The sequence generally pairs hexagrams with their upside-down equivalents, although in eight cases hexagrams are paired with their inversion. I Ching_sentence_92

Another order, found at Mawangdui in 1973, arranges the hexagrams into eight groups sharing the same upper trigram. I Ching_sentence_93

But the oldest known manuscript, found in 1987 and now held by the Shanghai Library, was almost certainly arranged in the King Wen sequence, and it has even been proposed that a pottery paddle from the Western Zhou period contains four hexagrams in the King Wen sequence. I Ching_sentence_94

Whichever of these arrangements is older, it is not evident that the order of the hexagrams was of interest to the original authors of the Zhou yi. I Ching_sentence_95

The assignment of numbers, binary or decimal, to specific hexagram, is a modern invention. I Ching_sentence_96

Yin and yang are represented by broken and solid lines: yin is broken (⚋) and yang is solid (⚊). I Ching_sentence_97

Different constructions of three yin and yang lines lead to eight trigrams; and different combinations of two trigrams lead to 64 hexagrams. I Ching_sentence_98

The following table numbers the hexagrams in King Wen order. I Ching_sentence_99

Interpretation and influence I Ching_section_8

See also: I Ching's influence I Ching_sentence_100

The Sinologist Michael Nylan describes the I Ching as the best-known Chinese book in the world. I Ching_sentence_101

In East Asia, it is a foundational text for the Confucian and Daoist philosophical traditions, while in the West, it attracted the attention of Enlightenment intellectuals and prominent literary and cultural figures. I Ching_sentence_102

Eastern Han and Six Dynasties I Ching_section_9

During the Eastern Han, I Ching interpretation divided into two schools, originating in a dispute over minor differences between different editions of the received text. I Ching_sentence_103

The first school, known as New Text criticism, was more egalitarian and eclectic, and sought to find symbolic and numerological parallels between the natural world and the hexagrams. I Ching_sentence_104

Their commentaries provided the basis of the School of Images and Numbers. I Ching_sentence_105

The other school, Old Text criticism, was more scholarly and hierarchical, and focused on the moral content of the text, providing the basis for the School of Meanings and Principles. I Ching_sentence_106

The New Text scholars distributed alternate versions of the text and freely integrated non-canonical commentaries into their work, as well as propagating alternate systems of divination such as the Taixuanjing. I Ching_sentence_107

Most of this early commentary, such as the image and number work of Jing Fang, Yu Fan and Xun Shuang, is no longer extant. I Ching_sentence_108

Only short fragments survive, from a Tang dynasty text called Zhou yi jijie. I Ching_sentence_109

With the fall of the Han, I Ching scholarship was no longer organized into systematic schools. I Ching_sentence_110

The most influential writer of this period was Wang Bi, who discarded the numerology of Han commentators and integrated the philosophy of the Ten Wings directly into the central text of the I Ching, creating such a persuasive narrative that Han commentators were no longer considered significant. I Ching_sentence_111

A century later Han Kangbo added commentaries on the Ten Wings to Wang Bi's book, creating a text called the Zhouyi zhu. I Ching_sentence_112

The principal rival interpretation was a practical text on divination by the soothsayer Guan Lu. I Ching_sentence_113

Tang and Song dynasties I Ching_section_10

At the beginning of the Tang dynasty, Emperor Taizong of Tang ordered Kong Yingda to create a canonical edition of the I Ching. I Ching_sentence_114

Choosing the 3rd-century Zhouyi zhu as the official commentary, he added to it a sub commentary drawing out the subtler levels of Wang Bi's explanations. I Ching_sentence_115

The resulting work, the Zhouyi zhengi, became the standard edition of the I Ching through the Song dynasty. I Ching_sentence_116

By the 11th century, the I Ching was being read as a work of intricate philosophy, as a jumping-off point for examining great metaphysical questions and ethical issues. I Ching_sentence_117

Cheng Yi, patriarch of the Neo-Confucian Cheng–Zhu school, read the I Ching as a guide to moral perfection. I Ching_sentence_118

He described the text as a way to for ministers to form honest political factions, root out corruption, and solve problems in government. I Ching_sentence_119

The contemporary scholar Shao Yong rearranged the hexagrams in a format that resembles modern binary numbers, although he did not intend his arrangement to be used mathematically. I Ching_sentence_120

This arrangement, sometimes called the binary sequence, later inspired Leibniz. I Ching_sentence_121

Neo-Confucian I Ching_section_11

The 12th century Neo-Confucian Zhu Xi, cofounder of the Cheng–Zhu school, criticized both of the Han dynasty lines of commentary on the I Ching, saying that they were one-sided. I Ching_sentence_122

He developed a synthesis of the two, arguing that the text was primarily a work of divination that could be used in the process of moral self-cultivation, or what the ancients called "rectification of the mind" in the Great Learning. I Ching_sentence_123

Zhu Xi's reconstruction of I Ching yarrow stalk divination, based in part on the Great Commentary account, became the standard form and is still in use today. I Ching_sentence_124

As China entered the early modern period, the I Ching took on renewed relevance in both Confucian and Daoist studies. I Ching_sentence_125

The Kangxi Emperor was especially fond of the I Ching and ordered new interpretations of it. I Ching_sentence_126

Qing dynasty scholars focused more intently on understanding pre-classical grammar, assisting the development of new philological approaches in the modern period. I Ching_sentence_127

Korean and Japanese I Ching_section_12

Like the other Chinese classics, the I Ching was an influential text across the East Asian "Sinosphere". I Ching_sentence_128

In 1557, the Korean Neo-Confucian Yi Hwang produced one of the most influential I Ching studies of the early modern era, claiming that the spirit was a principle (li) and not a material force (qi). I Ching_sentence_129

Hwang accused the Neo-Confucian school of having misread Zhu Xi. I Ching_sentence_130

His critique proved influential not only in Korea but also in Japan. I Ching_sentence_131

Other than this contribution, the I Ching—known in Korean as the Yeok-gyeong 역경—was not central to the development of Korean Confucianism, and by the 19th century, I Ching studies were integrated into the silhak reform movement. I Ching_sentence_132

In medieval Japan, secret teachings on the I Ching—known in Japanese as the Ekikyō 易経—were publicized by Rinzai Zen master Kokan Shiren and the Shintoist Yoshida Kanetomo. I Ching_sentence_133

I Ching studies in Japan took on new importance in the Edo period, during which over 1,000 books were published on the subject by over 400 authors. I Ching_sentence_134

The majority of these books were serious works of philology, reconstructing ancient usages and commentaries for practical purposes. I Ching_sentence_135

A sizable minority focused on numerology, symbolism, and divination. I Ching_sentence_136

During this time, over 150 editions of earlier Chinese commentaries were reprinted in Japan, including several texts that had become lost in China. I Ching_sentence_137

In the early Edo period, writers such as Itō Jinsai, Kumazawa Banzan, and Nakae Toju ranked the I Ching the greatest of the Confucian classics. I Ching_sentence_138

Many writers attempted to use the I Ching to explain Western science in a Japanese framework. I Ching_sentence_139

One writer, Shizuki Tadao, even attempted to employ Newtonian mechanics and the Copernican principle within an I Ching cosmology. I Ching_sentence_140

This line of argument was later taken up in China by the Qing scholar and official Zhang Zhidong. I Ching_sentence_141

Early European I Ching_section_13

Leibniz, who was corresponding with Jesuits in China, wrote the first European commentary on the I Ching in 1703, arguing that it proved the universality of binary numbers and theism, since the broken lines, the "0" or "nothingness", cannot become solid lines, the "1" or "oneness", without the intervention of God. I Ching_sentence_142

This was criticized by Hegel, who proclaimed that binary system and Chinese characters were "empty forms" that could not articulate spoken words with the clarity of the Western alphabet. I Ching_sentence_143

In their discussion, I Ching hexagrams and Chinese characters were conflated into a single foreign idea, sparking a dialogue on Western philosophical questions such as universality and the nature of communication. I Ching_sentence_144

In the 20th century, Jacques Derrida identified Hegel's argument as logocentric, but accepted without question Hegel's premise that the Chinese language cannot express philosophical ideas. I Ching_sentence_145

Modern I Ching_section_14

After the Xinhai Revolution of 1911, the I Ching was no longer part of mainstream Chinese political philosophy, but it maintained cultural influence as China's most ancient text. I Ching_sentence_146

Borrowing back from Leibniz, Chinese writers offered parallels between the I Ching and subjects such as linear algebra and logic in computer science, aiming to demonstrate that ancient Chinese cosmology had anticipated Western discoveries. I Ching_sentence_147

The Sinologist Joseph Needham took the opposite stance, arguing that the I Ching had actually impeded scientific development by incorporating all physical knowledge into its metaphysics. I Ching_sentence_148

The psychologist Carl Jung took interest in the possible universal nature of the imagery of the I Ching, and he introduced an influential German translation by Richard Wilhelm by discussing his theories of archetypes and synchronicity. I Ching_sentence_149

Jung wrote, "Even to the most biased eye, it is obvious that this book represents one long admonition to careful scrutiny of one's own character, attitude, and motives." I Ching_sentence_150

The book had a notable impact on the 1960s counterculture and on 20th century cultural figures such as Philip K. Dick, John Cage, Jorge Luis Borges, Terence McKenna and Hermann Hesse. I Ching_sentence_151

The modern period also brought a new level of skepticism and rigor to I Ching scholarship. I Ching_sentence_152

Li Jingchi spent several decades producing a new interpretation of the text, which was published posthumously in 1978. I Ching_sentence_153

Gao Heng, an expert in pre-Qin China, reinvestigated its use as a Zhou dynasty oracle. I Ching_sentence_154

Edward Shaughnessy proposed a new dating for the various strata of the text. I Ching_sentence_155

New archaeological discoveries have enabled a deeper level of insight into how the text was used in the centuries before the Qin dynasty. I Ching_sentence_156

Proponents of newly reconstructed Western Zhou readings, which often differ greatly from traditional readings of the text, are sometimes called the "modernist school." I Ching_sentence_157

Translations I Ching_section_15

The I Ching has been translated into Western languages dozens of times. I Ching_sentence_158

The earliest complete published I Ching translation in a Western language was a Latin translation done in the 1730s by the French Jesuit missionary Jean-Baptiste Régis that was published in Germany in the 1830s. I Ching_sentence_159

The most influential I Ching translation was the 1923 German translation of Richard Wilhelm, which was translated into English in 1950 by Cary Baynes. I Ching_sentence_160

Although Thomas McClatchie and James Legge had both translated the text in the 19th century, the text gained significant traction during the counterculture of the 1960s, with the translations of Wilhelm and John Blofeld attracting particular interest. I Ching_sentence_161

Richard Rutt's 1996 translation incorporated much of the new archaeological and philological discoveries of the 20th century. I Ching_sentence_162

Gregory Whincup's 1986 translation also attempts to reconstruct Zhou period readings. I Ching_sentence_163

The most commonly used English translations of the I Ching are: I Ching_sentence_164

I Ching_unordered_list_0

  • Legge, James (1882). The Yî King. In Sacred Books of the East, vol. XVI. 2nd edition (1899), Oxford: Clarendon Press; reprinted numerous times.I Ching_item_0_0
  • Wilhelm, Richard (1950). The I Ching or Book of Changes. Cary Baynes, trans. Bollingen Series 19. Introduction by Carl G. Jung. New York: Pantheon Books. 3rd edition (1967), Princeton: Princeton University Press; reprinted numerous times.I Ching_item_0_1

Other notable English translations include: I Ching_sentence_165

I Ching_unordered_list_1

  • McClatchie, Thomas (1876). A Translation of the Confucian Yi-king. Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press.I Ching_item_1_2
  • Blofeld, John (1965). The Book of Changes: A New Translation of the Ancient Chinese I Ching. New York: E. P. Dutton.I Ching_item_1_3
  • Lynn, Richard John (1994). The Classic of Changes. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-08294-0.I Ching_item_1_4
  • Rutt, Richard (1996). The Book of Changes (Zhouyi): A Bronze Age Document. Richmond: Curzon. ISBN 0-7007-0467-1.I Ching_item_1_5
  • Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1996). I Ching: the Classic of Changes. New York: Ballantine Books. ISBN 0-345-36243-8.I Ching_item_1_6

See also I Ching_section_16

I Ching_unordered_list_2


Credits to the contents of this page go to the authors of the corresponding Wikipedia page: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/I Ching.