Pierre Bourdieu

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Pierre Bourdieu_table_infobox_0

Pierre BourdieuPierre Bourdieu_header_cell_0_0_0
BornPierre Bourdieu_header_cell_0_1_0 1 August 1930

Denguin, FrancePierre Bourdieu_cell_0_1_1

DiedPierre Bourdieu_header_cell_0_2_0 23 January 2002(2002-01-23) (aged 71)

Paris, FrancePierre Bourdieu_cell_0_2_1

Alma materPierre Bourdieu_header_cell_0_3_0 École normale supérieure, University of ParisPierre Bourdieu_cell_0_3_1
EraPierre Bourdieu_header_cell_0_4_0 20th-century philosophyPierre Bourdieu_cell_0_4_1
RegionPierre Bourdieu_header_cell_0_5_0 Western philosophyPierre Bourdieu_cell_0_5_1
SchoolPierre Bourdieu_header_cell_0_6_0 Structuralism · Genetic structuralism · Critical sociologyPierre Bourdieu_cell_0_6_1
InstitutionsPierre Bourdieu_header_cell_0_7_0 École pratique des hautes études (before 1975) · École des hautes études en sciences sociales (after 1975) · Collège de FrancePierre Bourdieu_cell_0_7_1
Main interestsPierre Bourdieu_header_cell_0_8_0 Sociology · PowerPierre Bourdieu_cell_0_8_1
Notable ideasPierre Bourdieu_header_cell_0_9_0 Cultural capital · Field · Habitus · Doxa · Social Illusion · Reflexivity · Social capital · Symbolic capital · Symbolic violence · Practice theoryPierre Bourdieu_cell_0_9_1

Pierre Bourdieu (French: [buʁdjø; 1 August 1930 – 23 January 2002) was a French sociologist, anthropologist, philosopher and public intellectual. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_0

Bourdieu's major contributions to the sociology of education, the theory of sociology, and sociology of aesthetics have achieved wide influence in several related academic fields (e.g. anthropology, media and cultural studies, education), popular culture, and the arts. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_1

During his academic career he was primarily associated with the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences in Paris and the Collège de France. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_2

Bourdieu's work was primarily concerned with the dynamics of power in society, especially the diverse and subtle ways in which power is transferred and social order is maintained within and across generations. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_3

In conscious opposition to the idealist tradition of much of Western philosophy, his work often emphasized the corporeal nature of social life and stressed the role of practice and embodiment in social dynamics. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_4

Building upon the theories of Martin Heidegger, Ludwig Wittgenstein, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Edmund Husserl, Georges Canguilhem, Karl Marx, Gaston Bachelard, Max Weber, Émile Durkheim, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Erwin Panofsky and Marcel Mauss among others, his research pioneered novel investigative frameworks and methods, and introduced such influential concepts as cultural, social, and symbolic forms of capital (as opposed to traditional economic forms of capital), the cultural reproduction, the habitus, the field or location, and symbolic violence. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_5

Another notable influence on Bourdieu was Blaise Pascal, after whom Bourdieu titled his Pascalian Meditations. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_6

Bourdieu was a prolific author, producing hundreds of articles and three dozen books, nearly all of which are now available in English. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_7

His best known book is Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste (1979), in which he argues that judgments of taste are related to social position, or more precisely, are themselves acts of social positioning. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_8

The argument is put forward by an original combination of social theory and data from quantitative surveys, photographs and interviews, in an attempt to reconcile difficulties such as how to understand the subject within objective structures. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_9

In the process, Bourdieu attempts to reconcile the influences of both external social structures and subjective experience on the individual. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_10

The book would go on to be named "the sixth most important sociological work of the twentieth century" by the International Sociological Association (ISA). Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_11

Pierre Bourdieu's work emphasized how social classes, especially the ruling and intellectual classes, preserve their social privileges across generations despite the myth that contemporary post-industrial society boasts equality of opportunity and high social mobility, achieved through formal education. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_12

Life and career Pierre Bourdieu_section_0

Pierre Bourdieu was born in Denguin (Pyrénées-Atlantiques), in southern France, to a postal worker and his wife. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_13

The household spoke Béarnese, a Gascon dialect. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_14

In 1962, Bourdieu married Marie-Claire Brizard, and the couple would go on to have three sons, Jérôme, Emmanuel, and Laurent. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_15

Bourdieu was educated at the lycée in Pau before moving to the Lycée Louis-le-Grand in Paris. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_16

From there he gained entrance to the École Normale Supérieure (ENS), also in Paris, where he studied philosophy alongside Louis Althusser. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_17

After getting his agrégation, Bourdieu worked as a lycée teacher at Moulins for a year before his conscription into the French Army in 1955. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_18

His biographers write that he chose not to enter the Reserve Officer's College like many of his fellow ENS graduates as he wished to stay with people from his own modest social background. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_19

Deployed to Algeria in October 1955 during its war of independence from France, Bourdieu served in a unit guarding military installations before being transferred to clerical work. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_20

After his year-long military service, Bourdieu stayed on as a lecturer in Algiers. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_21

During the Algerian War in 1958–1962, Bourdieu undertook ethnographic research into the clash through a study of the Kabyle peoples of the Berbers, laying the groundwork for his anthropological reputation. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_22

The result was his first book, Sociologie de l'Algérie (1958; The Sociology of Algeria), which became an immediate success in France and was published in America in 1962. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_23

He later drew heavily on this fieldwork in his 1972 book Outline of a Theory of Practice, a strong intervention into anthropological theory. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_24

Bourdieu routinely sought to connect his theoretical ideas with empirical research and his work can be seen as sociology of culture or, as he described it, a "Theory of Practice". Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_25

His contributions to sociology were both evidential and theoretical (i.e., calculated through both systems). Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_26

His key terms would be habitus, capital, and field. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_27

He extended the idea of capital to categories such as social capital, cultural capital, financial capital, and symbolic capital. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_28

For Bourdieu each individual occupies a position in a multidimensional social space; a person is not defined only by social class membership, but by every single kind of capital they can articulate through social relations. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_29

That capital includes the value of social networks, which Bourdieu showed could be used to produce or reproduce inequality. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_30

In 1960, Bourdieu returned to the University of Paris before gaining a teaching position at the University of Lille, where he remained until 1964. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_31

From 1964 onwards Bourdieu held the position of Professor (Directeur d'études) in the VIe section of the École Pratique des Hautes Études (the future École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales), and from 1981 the Chair of Sociology at the Collège de France (held before him by Raymond Aron and Maurice Halbwachs). Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_32

In 1968, Bourdieu took over the Centre de Sociologie Européenne, founded by Aron, which he directed until his death. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_33

In 1975, with the research group he had formed at the Centre de Sociologie Européenne, he launched the interdisciplinary journal Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, with which he sought to transform the accepted canons of sociological production while buttressing the scientific rigor of sociology. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_34

In 1993 he was honored with the "Médaille d'or du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique" (CNRS). Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_35

In 1996 he received the Goffman Prize from the University of California, Berkeley and in 2001 the Huxley Medal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_36

Bourdieu died of cancer at the age of 71. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_37

Thought Pierre Bourdieu_section_1

Much of Bourdieu's work observes the semi-independent role of educational and cultural resources in the expression of agency. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_38

This makes his work amenable to liberal-conservative scholarship positing the fundamental cleavages of society as amongst disorderly factions of the working class, in need of disciplinary intervention where they have assumed excessive privilege. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_39

Unsurprisingly given his historical and biographical location, however, Bourdieu was in practice both influenced by and sympathetic to the Marxist identification of economic command as a principal component of power and agency within capitalist society, in contrast to some of his followers or the influential sociologist Max Weber. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_40

Bourdieu's anthropological work was dominated by social hierarchy reproduction analysis. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_41

Bourdieu criticized the importance given to economic factors in the analysis of social order and change. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_42

He stressed, instead, that the capacity of actors to impose their cultural reproductions and symbolic systems plays an essential role in the reproduction of dominate social structures. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_43

Symbolic violence is the self-interested capacity to ensure that the arbitrariness of the social order is either ignored, or argued as natural, thereby justifying the legitimacy of existing social structures. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_44

This concept plays an essential part in his sociological analysis, which emphasizes the importance of practices in the social world. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_45

Bourdieu was opposed to the intellectualist tradition and stressed that social domination and cultural reproduction were primarily focused on bodily know-how and competent practices in the society. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_46

Bourdieu fiercely opposed Rational Choice Theory because he believed it was a misunderstanding of how social agents operate. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_47

Influences Pierre Bourdieu_section_2

Bourdieu's work is influenced by much of traditional anthropology and sociology which he undertook to synthesize into his own theory. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_48

From Max Weber he retained the importance of domination and symbolic systems in social life, as well as the idea of social orders which would ultimately be transformed by Bourdieu from a sociology of religion into a theory of fields. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_49

From Marx he gained his understanding of 'society' as the ensemble of social relationships: "what exist in the social world are relations – not interactions between agents or intersubjective ties between individuals, but objective relations which exist 'independently of individual consciousness and will'." Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_50

(grounded in the mode and conditions of economic production), and of the need to dialectically develop social theory from social practice. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_51

(Arnold Hauser earlier published the orthodox application of Marxist class theory to the fine arts in The Social History of Art (1951).) Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_52

From Émile Durkheim, through Marcel Mauss and Claude Lévi-Strauss, Bourdieu inherited a certain structuralist interpretation of the tendency of social structures to reproduce themselves, based on the analysis of symbolic structures and forms of classification. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_53

However, Bourdieu critically diverged from Durkheim in emphasizing the role of the social agent in enacting, through the embodiment of social structures, symbolic orders. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_54

He furthermore emphasized that the reproduction of social structures does not operate according to a functionalist logic. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_55

Maurice Merleau-Ponty and, through him, the phenomenology of Edmund Husserl played an essential part in the formulation of Bourdieu's focus on the body, action, and practical dispositions (which found their primary manifestation in Bourdieu's theory of habitus). Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_56

Bourdieu was also influenced by Wittgenstein (especially with regard to his work on rule-following) stating that "Wittgenstein is probably the philosopher who has helped me most at moments of difficulty. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_57

He's a kind of saviour for times of great intellectual distress". Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_58

Bourdieu's work is built upon an attempt to transcend a series of oppositions which he thought characterized the social sciences (subjectivism/objectivism, micro/macro, freedom/determinism) of his time. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_59

His concepts of habitus, capital, and field were conceived with the intention of overcoming such oppositions. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_60

As a public intellectual Pierre Bourdieu_section_3

During the 1990s, Bourdieu became more and more involved in political debate, becoming one of the most important public faces of intellectual life in France. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_61

While a fierce critic of neoliberalism, Bourdieu was also critical of the "total intellectual" role played by Jean-Paul Sartre, and he dismissed Sartre's attempts to intervene in French politics as "irresponsible" and "opportunistic." Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_62

Bourdieu saw sociology not as a form of "intellectual entertainment" but as a serious discipline of a scientific nature. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_63

There is an apparent contradiction between Bourdieu's earlier writings against using sociology for political activism and his later launch into the role of a public intellectual, with some highly "visible political statements." Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_64

Although much of his early work stressed the importance of treating sociology as a strict scientific discipline,—"La sociologie est un sport de combat" (transl. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_65

"Sociology is a Martial Art")—his later career saw him enter the less academic world of political debate in France, raising the issue of whether the sociologist has political responsibilities extending to the public domain. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_66

Although Bourdieu earlier faulted public intellectuals such as Sartre, he had strong political views which influenced his sociology from the beginning. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_67

By the time of his later work, his main concern had become the effect of globalisation and those who benefited least from it. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_68

His politics then became more overt and his role as public intellectual was born, from an "urgency to speak out against neoliberal discourse that had become so dominant within political debate." Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_69

Bourdieu developed a project to investigate the effects—particularly the harm—of neoliberal reforms in France. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_70

The most significant fruit of this project was the 1993 study "The Weight of the World", although his views are perhaps more candidly expressed in his articles. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_71

"The Weight of the World" represented a heavyweight scientific challenge to the dominant trends in French politics. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_72

Since it was the work of a team of sociologists, it also shows Bourdieu's collaborative character, indicating that he was still in 1993 reluctant to accept being singled out with the category of public intellectual. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_73

Nevertheless, Bourdieu's activities as a critical sociologist prepared him for the public stage, fulfilling his "constructionist view of social life" as it relied upon the idea of social actors making change through collective struggles. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_74

His relationship with the media was improved through his very public action of organizing strikes and rallies that raised huge media interest in him and his many books became more popular through this new notoriety. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_75

One of the main differences between the critical sociologist and public intellectual is the ability to have a relationship with popular media resources outside the academic realm. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_76

It is notable that, in his later writings, Bourdieu sounded cautionary notes about such individuals, describing them as "like the Trojan Horse" for the unwanted elements they may bring to the academic world. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_77

Again Bourdieu seems wary of accepting the description 'public intellectual', worrying that it might be difficult to reconcile with science and scholarship. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_78

Research is needed on what conditions transform particular intellectuals into public intellectuals. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_79

Theory of habitus Pierre Bourdieu_section_4

Main article: Habitus Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_80

Bourdieu developed a theory of the action, around the concept of habitus, which exerted a considerable influence in the social sciences. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_81

This theory seeks to show that social agents develop strategies which are adapted to the structures of the social worlds that they inhabit. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_82

These strategies are unconscious and act on the level of a bodily logic. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_83

In Bourdieu's perspective, each relatively autonomous field of modern life (such as economy, politics, arts, journalism, bureaucracy, science or education), ultimately engenders a specific complex of social relations where the agents will engage their everyday practice. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_84

Through this practice, they develop a certain disposition for social action that is conditioned by their position on the field. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_85

This disposition, combined with every other disposition the individual develops through their engagement with other fields operating within the social world, will eventually come to constitute a system of dispositions, i.e. habitus: lasting, acquired schemes of perception, thought and action. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_86

Habitus is somewhat reminiscent of some preexisting sociological concepts, such as socialization, though it also differs from the more classic concepts in several key ways. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_87

Most notably, a central aspect of the habitus is its embodiment: habitus does not only, or even primarily, function at the level of explicit, discursive consciousness. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_88

The internal structures become embodied and work in a deeper, practical and often pre-reflexive way. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_89

An illustrative example might be the 'muscle memory' cultivated in many areas of physical education. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_90

Consider the way we catch a ball—the complex geometric trajectories are not calculated; it is not an intellectual process. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_91

Although it is a skill that requires learning, it is more a physical than a mental process and has to be performed physically to be learned. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_92

In this sense, the concept has something in common with Anthony Giddens' concept of practical consciousness. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_93

The concept of habitus was inspired by Marcel Mauss's notion of body technique and hexis, as well as Erwin Panofsky's concept of intuitus. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_94

The word habitus itself can be found in the works of Mauss, as well as of Norbert Elias, Max Weber, Edmund Husserl, and Alfred Schutz as re-workings of the concept as it emerged in Aristotle's notion of hexis, which would become habitus through Thomas Aquinas's Latin translation. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_95

Disposition Pierre Bourdieu_section_5

"Disposition"—a key concept in Bourdieu's work—can be defined as a sense of the game; a partly rational but partly intuitive understanding of fields and of social order in general, a practical sense, a practical reason, giving rise to opinions, tastes, tone of voice, typical body movements and mannerisms and so on. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_96

The dispositions constitutive of habitus are therefore conditioned responses to the social world, becoming so ingrained that they come to occur spontaneously, rather like 'knee-jerk' opinions. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_97

It follows that the habitus developed by an individual will typify his position in the social space. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_98

By doing so, social agents will often acknowledge, legitimate, and reproduce the social forms of domination (including prejudices) and the common opinions of each field as self-evident, clouding from conscience and practice even the acknowledgment of other possible means of production (including symbolic production) and power relations. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_99

Though not deterministic, the inculcation of the subjective structures of the habitus can be observed through statistical data, for example, while its selective affinity with the objective structures of the social world explains the continuity of the social order through time. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_100

As the individual habitus is always a mix of multiple engagements in the social world through the person's life, while the social fields are put into practice through the agency of the individuals, no social field or order can be completely stable. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_101

In other words, if the relation between individual predisposition and social structure is far stronger than common sense tends to believe, it is not a perfect match. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_102

Some examples of his empirical results include showing that, despite the apparent freedom of choice in the arts, people's artistic preferences (e.g. classical music, rock, traditional music) strongly tie in with their social position; and showing that subtleties of language such as accent, grammar, spelling and style—all part of cultural capital—are a major factor in social mobility (e.g. getting a higher-paid, higher-status job). Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_103

Sociologists very often look at either social laws (structure) or the individual minds (agency) in which these laws are inscribed. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_104

Sociological arguments have raged between those who argue that the former should be sociology's principal interest (structuralists) and those who argue the same for the latter (phenomenologists). Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_105

When Bourdieu instead asks that dispositions be considered, he is making a very subtle intervention in sociology, asserting a middle ground where social laws and individual minds meet and is arguing that the proper object of sociological analysis should be this middle ground: dispositions. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_106

Field theory Pierre Bourdieu_section_6

Main article: Field theory (sociology) Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_107

According to Bourdieu, agents do not continuously calculate according to explicit rational and economic criteria. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_108

Rather, social agents operate according to an implicit practical logic—a practical sense—and bodily dispositions. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_109

Instead of confining his analysis of social relations and change to voluntaristic agency or strictly in terms of class as a structural relation, Bourdieu uses the agency-structure bridging concept of field. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_110

A field can be described as any historical, non-homogeneous social-spatial arena in which people maneuver and struggle in pursuit of desirable resources. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_111

In simpler terms, a field refers to any setting in which agents and their social positions are located. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_112

Accordingly, the position of each particular agent in the field is a result of interaction between the specific rules of the field, agent's habitus, and agent's capital (social, economic, and cultural). Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_113

Fields interact with each other, and are hierarchical: most are subordinate to the larger field of power and class relations. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_114

For Bourdieu, social activity differences led to various, relatively autonomous, social spaces in which competition centers around particular capital. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_115

These fields are treated on a hierarchical basis—with economic power usually governing—wherein the dynamics of fields arise out of the struggle of social actors trying to occupy the dominant positions within the field. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_116

Bourdieu embraces prime elements of conflict theory like Marx. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_117

Social struggle also occurs within fields hierarchically nested under the economic antagonisms between social classes. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_118

The conflicts which take place in each social field have specific characteristics arising from those fields and that involve many social relationships which are not economic. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_119

Social agents act according to their "feel for the game", in which the "feel" roughly refers to the habitus, and the "game", to the field. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_120

Media and cultural production Pierre Bourdieu_section_7

Bourdieu's most significant work on cultural production is available in two books: The Field of Cultural Production (1993) and The Rules of Art (1996). Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_121

Bourdieu builds his theory of cultural production using his own characteristic theoretical vocabulary of habitus, capital and field. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_122

David Hesmondhalgh writes that: Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_123

According to Bourdieu, "the principal obstacle to a rigorous science of the production of the value of cultural goods" is the "charismatic ideology of 'creation'" which can be easily found in studies of art, literature and other cultural fields. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_124

In Bourdieu's opinion, charismatic ideology "directs the gaze towards the apparent producer and prevents us from asking who has created this 'creator' and the magic power of transubstantiation with which the 'creator' is endowed." Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_125

For Bourdieu, a sociologically informed view of an artist ought to describe: (1) their relations to the field of production (e.g. influences, antagonisms, etc.); and (2) their attitudes to their relations to the field of consumption (e.g. their readers, enthusiasts, or detractors). Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_126

Further, a work of literature, for example, may not adequately be analysed either as the product of the author's life and beliefs (a naively biographical account), or without any reference to the author's intentions (as Barthes argued). Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_127

In short, "the subject of a work is a habitus in relationship with a 'post', a position, that is, within a field." Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_128

According to Bourdieu, cultural revolutions are always dependent on the possibilities present in the positions inscribed in the field. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_129

Objective (field) and subjective (habitus) Pierre Bourdieu_section_8

For Bourdieu, habitus was essential in resolving a prominent antinomy of the human sciences: objectivism and subjectivism. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_130

As mentioned above, Bourdieu used the methodological and theoretical concepts of habitus and field in order to make an epistemological break with the prominent objective-subjective antinomy of the social sciences. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_131

He wanted to effectively unite social phenomenology and structuralism. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_132

Habitus and field are proposed to do so. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_133

The individual agent develops these dispositions in response to the objective conditions it encounters. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_134

In this way, Bourdieu theorizes the inculcation of objective social structures into the subjective, mental experience of agents. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_135

For the objective social field places requirements on its participants for membership, so to speak, within the field. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_136

Having thereby absorbed objective social structure into a personal set of cognitive and somatic dispositions, and the subjective structures of action of the agent then being commensurate with the objective structures and extant exigencies of the social field, a doxic relationship emerges. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_137

Habitus and doxa Pierre Bourdieu_section_9

Doxa refers to the learned, fundamental, deep-founded, unconscious beliefs, and values, taken as self-evident universals, that inform an agent's actions and thoughts within a particular field. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_138

Doxa tends to favor the particular social arrangement of the field, thus privileging the dominant and taking their position of dominance as self-evident and universally favorable. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_139

Therefore, the categories of understanding and perception that constitute a habitus, being congruous with the objective organization of the field, tend to reproduce the very structures of the field. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_140

A doxic situation may be thought of as a situation characterized by a harmony between the objective, external structures and the 'subjective', internal structures of the habitus. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_141

In the doxic state, the social world is perceived as natural, taken-for-granted and even commonsensical. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_142

Bourdieu thus sees habitus as an important factor contributing to social reproduction, because it is central to generating and regulating the practices that make up social life. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_143

Individuals learn to want what conditions make possible for them, and not to aspire to what is not available to them. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_144

The conditions in which the individual lives generate dispositions compatible with these conditions (including tastes in art, literature, food, and music), and in a sense pre-adapted to their demands. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_145

The most improbable practices are therefore excluded, as unthinkable, by a kind of immediate submission to order that inclines agents to make a virtue of necessity, that is, to refuse what is categorically denied and to will the inevitable. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_146

Reconciling the objective (field) and the subjective (habitus) Pierre Bourdieu_section_10

Amongst any society of individuals, the constant performance of dispositions, trivial and grand, forms an observable range of preferences and allegiances, points and vectors. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_147

This spatial metaphor can be analysed by sociologists and realised in diagrammatic form. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_148

Ultimately, conceptualising social relations this way gives rise to an image of society as a web of interrelated spaces. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_149

These are the social fields. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_150

For Bourdieu, habitus and field can only exist in relation to each other. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_151

Although a field is constituted by the various social agents participating in it (and thus their habitus), a habitus, in effect, represents the transposition of objective structures of the field into the subjective structures of action and thought of the agent. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_152

The relationship between habitus and field is twofold. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_153

First, the field exists only insofar as social agents possess the dispositions and set of perceptual schemata that are necessary to constitute that field and imbue it with meaning. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_154

Concomitantly, by participating in the field, agents incorporate into their habitus the proper know-how that will allow them to constitute the field. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_155

Habitus manifests the structures of the field, and the field mediates between habitus and practice. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_156

Bourdieu attempts to use the concepts of habitus and field to remove the division between the subjective and the objective. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_157

Bourdieu asserts that any research must be composed of two "minutes," wherein the first minute is an objective stage of research—where one looks at the relations of the social space and the structures of the field; while the second minute must be a subjective analysis of social agents' dispositions to act and their categories of perception and understanding that result from their inhabiting the field. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_158

Proper research, Bourdieu argues, thus cannot do without these two together. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_159

Science and objectivity Pierre Bourdieu_section_11

Bourdieu contended there is transcendental objectivity, only when certain necessary historical conditions are met. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_160

The scientific field is precisely that field in which objectivity may be acquired. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_161

Bourdieu's ideal scientific field is one that grants its participants an interest or investment in objectivity. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_162

Further, this ideal scientific field is one in which the field's degree of autonomy advances and, in a corresponding process, its "entrance fee" becomes increasingly strict. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_163

The scientific field entails rigorous intersubjective scrutinizing of theory and data. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_164

This should make it difficult for those within the field to bring in, for example, political influence. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_165

However, the autonomy of the scientific field cannot be taken for granted. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_166

An important part of Bourdieu's theory is that the historical development of a scientific field, sufficiently autonomous to be described as such and to produce objective work, is an achievement that requires continual reproduction. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_167

Having been achieved, it cannot be assumed to be secure. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_168

Bourdieu does not discount the possibility that the scientific field may lose its autonomy and therefore deteriorate, losing its defining characteristic as a producer of objective work. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_169

In this way, the conditions of possibility for the production of transcendental objectivity could arise and then disappear. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_170

Reflexivity Pierre Bourdieu_section_12

Bourdieu insists on the importance of a reflexive sociology in which sociologists must at all times conduct their research with conscious attention to the effects of their own position, their own set of internalized structures, and how these are likely to distort or prejudice their objectivity. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_171

The sociologist, according to Bourdieu, must engage in a "sociology of sociology" so as not to unwittingly attribute to the object of observation the characteristics of the subject. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_172

They ought to conduct their research with one eye continually reflecting back upon their own habitus, their dispositions learned through long social and institutional training. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_173

It is only by maintaining such a continual vigilance that the sociologists can spot themselves in the act of importing their own biases into their work. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_174

Reflexivity is, therefore, a kind of additional stage in the scientific epistemology. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_175

It is not enough for the scientist to go through the usual stages (research, hypothesis, falsification, experiment, repetition, peer review, etc.); Bourdieu recommends also that the scientist purge their work of the prejudices likely to derive from their social position. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_176

In a good illustration of the process, Bourdieu chastises academics (including himself) for judging their students' work against a rigidly scholastic linguistic register, favouring students whose writing appears 'polished', marking down those guilty of 'vulgarity'. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_177

Without a reflexive analysis of the snobbery being deployed under the cover of those subjective terms, the academic will unconsciously reproduce a degree of class prejudice, promoting the student with high linguistic capital and holding back the student who lacks it—not because of the objective quality of the work but simply because of the register in which it is written. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_178

Reflexivity should enable the academic to be conscious of their prejudices, e.g. for apparently sophisticated writing, and impel them to take steps to correct for this bias. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_179

Bourdieu also describes how the "scholastic point of view" unconsciously alters how scientists approach their objects of study. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_180

Because of the systematicity of their training and their mode of analysis, they tend to exaggerate the systematicity of the things they study. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_181

This inclines them to see agents following clear rules where in fact they use less determinate strategies; it makes it hard to theorise the 'fuzzy' logic of the social world, its practical and therefore mutable nature, poorly described by words like 'system', 'structure' and 'logic' which imply mechanisms, rigidity and omnipresence. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_182

The scholar can too easily find themselves mistaking "the things of logic for the logic of things"—a phrase of Marx's which Bourdieu is fond of quoting. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_183

Again, reflexivity is recommended as the key to discovering and correcting for such errors which would otherwise remain unseen, mistakes produced by an over-application of the virtues that produced also the truths within which the errors are embedded. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_184

Theory of capital and class distinction Pierre Bourdieu_section_13

Bourdieu introduced the notion of capital, defined as sums particular assets put to productive use. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_185

For Bourdieu, such assets could take various forms, habitually referring to several principal forms of capital: economic, symbolic, cultural and social. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_186

Loïc Wacquant would go on to describe Bourdieu's thought further: Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_187

Bourdieu developed theories of social stratification based on aesthetic taste in his 1979 work Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste (in French: La Distinction), published by Harvard University Press. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_188

Bourdieu claims that how one chooses to present one's social space to the world—one's aesthetic dispositions—depicts one's status and distances oneself from lower groups. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_189

Specifically, Bourdieu hypothesizes that children internalize these dispositions at an early age and that such dispositions guide the young towards their appropriate social positions, towards the behaviors that are suitable for them, and foster an aversion towards other behaviors. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_190

Bourdieu theorizes that class fractions teach aesthetic preferences to their young. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_191

Class fractions are determined by a combination of the varying degrees of social, economic, and cultural capital. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_192

Society incorporates “symbolic goods, especially those regarded as the attributes of excellence…[as] the ideal weapon in strategies of distinction.” Those attributes deemed excellent are shaped by the interests of the dominating class. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_193

He emphasizes the dominance of cultural capital early on by stating that “differences in cultural capital mark the differences between the classes.” Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_194

The development of aesthetic dispositions are very largely determined by social origin rather than accumulated capital and experience over time. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_195

The acquisition of cultural capital depends heavily on “total, early, imperceptible learning, performed within the family from the earliest days of life.” Bourdieu argues that, in the main, people inherit their cultural attitudes, the accepted “definitions that their elders offer them.” Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_196

He asserts the primacy of social origin and cultural capital by claiming that social capital and economic capital, though acquired cumulatively over time, depend upon it. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_197

Bourdieu claims that “one has to take account of all the characteristics of social condition which are (statistically) associated from earliest childhood with possession of high or low income and which tend to shape tastes adjusted to these conditions.” Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_198

According to Bourdieu, tastes in food, culture and presentation are indicators of class because trends in their consumption seemingly correlate with an individual's fit in society. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_199

Each fraction of the dominant class develops its own aesthetic criteria. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_200

A multitude of consumer interests based on differing social positions necessitates that each fraction “has its own artists and philosophers, newspapers and critics, just as it has its hairdresser, interior decorator, or tailor.” Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_201

However, Bourdieu does not disregard the importance of social capital and economic capital in the formation of cultural capital. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_202

For example, the production of art and the ability to play an instrument “presuppose not only dispositions associated with long establishment in the world of art and culture but also economic means...and spare time.” However, regardless of one's ability to act upon one's preferences, Bourdieu specifies that “respondents are only required to express a status-induced familiarity with legitimate…culture.” Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_203

Thus, different modes of acquisition yield differences in the nature of preferences. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_204

These “cognitive structures…are internalized, ‘embodied’ social structures,” becoming a natural entity to the individual. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_205

Different tastes are thus seen as unnatural and rejected, resulting in “disgust provoked by horror or visceral intolerance (‘feeling sick’) of the tastes of others.” Bourdieu himself believes class distinction and preferences are: Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_206

Indeed, Bourdieu believes that “the strongest and most indelible mark of infant learning” would probably be in the tastes of food. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_207

Bourdieu thinks that meals served on special occasions are “an interesting indicator of the mode of self-presentation adopted in ‘showing off’ a life-style (in which furniture also plays a part).” The idea is that their likes and dislikes should mirror those of their associated class fractions. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_208

Children from the lower end of the social hierarchy are predicted to choose “heavy, fatty fattening foods, which are also cheap” in their dinner layouts, opting for “plentiful and good” meals as opposed to foods that are “original and exotic.” These potential outcomes would reinforce Bourdieu's “ethic of sobriety for the sake of slimness, which is most recognized at the highest levels of the social hierarchy,” that contrasts the “convivial indulgence” characteristic of the lower classes. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_209

Demonstrations of the tastes of luxury (or freedom) and the tastes of necessity reveal a distinction among the social classes. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_210

The degree to which social origin affects these preferences surpasses both educational and economic capital. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_211

Demonstrably, at equivalent levels of educational capital, social origin remains an influential factor in determining these dispositions. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_212

How one describes one's social environment relates closely to social origin because the instinctive narrative springs from early stages of development. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_213

Also, across the divisions of labor, “economic constraints tend to relax without any fundamental change in the pattern of spending.” This observation reinforces the idea that social origin, more than economic capital, produces aesthetic preferences because regardless of economic capability, consumption patterns remain stable. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_214

Symbolic capital Pierre Bourdieu_section_14

Bourdieu sees symbolic capital (e.g., prestige, honor, attention) as a crucial source of power. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_215

Symbolic capital is any species of capital that is, in Loïc Wacquant's terms "not perceived as such," but which is instead perceived through socially inculcated classificatory schemes. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_216

When a holder of symbolic capital uses the power this confers against an agent who holds less, and seeks thereby to alter their actions, they exercise symbolic violence. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_217

Symbolic violence is fundamentally the imposition of categories of thought and perception upon dominated social agents who then take the social order to be just. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_218

It is the incorporation of unconscious structures that tend to perpetuate the structures of action of the dominant. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_219

The dominated then take their position to be "right." Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_220

Symbolic violence is in some senses much more powerful than physical violence in that it is embedded in the very modes of action and structures of cognition of individuals, and imposes the spectre of legitimacy of the social order. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_221

In his theoretical writings, Bourdieu employs some terminology used in economics to analyze the processes of social and cultural reproduction, of how the various forms of capital tend to transfer from one generation to the next. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_222

For Bourdieu, formal education represents the key example of this process. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_223

Educational success, according to Bourdieu, entails a whole range of cultural behaviour, extending to ostensibly non-academic features like gait, dress, or accent. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_224

Privileged children have learned this behaviour, as have their teachers. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_225

Children of unprivileged backgrounds have not. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_226

The children of privilege therefore fit the pattern of their teachers' expectations with apparent 'ease'; they are 'docile'. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_227

The unprivileged are found to be 'difficult', to present 'challenges'. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_228

Yet both behave as their upbringing dictates. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_229

Bourdieu regards this 'ease', or 'natural' ability—distinction—as in fact the product of a great social labour, largely on the part of the parents. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_230

It equips their children with the dispositions of manner as well as thought which ensure they are able to succeed within the educational system and can then reproduce their parents' class position in the wider social system. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_231

Cultural capital Pierre Bourdieu_section_15

Cultural capital refers to assets, e.g., competencies, skills, qualifications, which enable holders to mobilise cultural authority and can also be a source of misrecognition and symbolic violence. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_232

For example, working class children can come to see the educational success of their middle-class peers as always legitimate, seeing what is often class-based inequality as instead the result of hard work or even 'natural' ability. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_233

A key part of this process is the transformation of people's symbolic or economic inheritance (e.g., accent or property) into cultural capital (e.g., university qualifications). Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_234

Bourdieu argues that cultural capital has developed in opposition to economic capital. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_235

Moreover, the conflict between those who mostly hold cultural capital and those who mostly hold economic capital finds expression in the opposed social fields of art and business. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_236

The field of art and related cultural fields are seen to have striven historically for autonomy, which in different times and places has been more or less achieved. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_237

The autonomous field of art is summed up as "an economic world turned upside down," highlighting the opposition between economic and cultural capital. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_238

Social capital Pierre Bourdieu_section_16

For Bourdieu, "social capital is the sum of the resources, actual or virtual, that accrue to an individual or a group by virtue of possessing a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition." Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_239

In order for individuals to gain such capital, they must work for it constantly and it takes time according to Bourdieu. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_240

For some families, cultural capital is accumulated over a period of generations as they adopt cultural investment strategies and pass them on to their children. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_241

This gives children an opportunity to realize their potential through education and they pass on those same values to their children. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_242

Over time, individuals in such families gain cultural currency which gives them an inherent advantage over other groups of people, which is why there is such variation in academic achievement in children of different social classes. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_243

Having such cultural currency enables people to compensate for a lack of financial capital by giving them a certain level of respect and status in society. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_244

Bourdieu believes that cultural capital may play a role when individuals pursue power and status in society through politics or other means. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_245

Social and cultural capital along with economic capital contribute to the inequality we see in the world, according to Bourdieu's argument. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_246

Language Pierre Bourdieu_section_17

Bourdieu takes language to be not merely a method of communication, but also a mechanism of power. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_247

The language one uses is designated by one's relational position in a field or social space. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_248

Different uses of language tend to reiterate the respective positions of each participant. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_249

Linguistic interactions are manifestations of the participants' respective positions in social space and categories of understanding, and thus tend to reproduce the objective structures of the social field. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_250

This determines who has a "right" to be listened to, to interrupt, to ask questions, and to lecture, and to what degree. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_251

The representation of identity in forms of language can be subdivided into language, dialect, and accent. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_252

For example, the use of different dialects in an area can represent a varied social status for individuals. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_253

A good example of this would be in the case of French. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_254

Until the French Revolution, the difference of dialects usage directly reflected ones social status. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_255

Peasants and lower class members spoke local dialects, while only nobles and higher class members were fluent with the official French language. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_256

Accents can reflect an area's inner conflict with classifications and authority within a population. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_257

The reason language acts as a mechanism of power is through forms of mental representations it is acknowledged and noticed as objective representations: as a sign and/or symbol. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_258

These signs and symbols therefore transform language into an agency of power. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_259

Legacy Pierre Bourdieu_section_18

Bourdieu "was, for many, the leading intellectual of present-day France…a thinker in the same rank as Foucault, Barthes and Lacan." Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_260

His works have been translated into two dozen languages and have affected the whole gamut of disciplines in the social sciences and the humanities. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_261

They have also been used in pedagogy. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_262

Several works of his are considered classics, not only in sociology, but also in anthropology, education, and cultural studies. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_263

Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste (La Distinction) was named as one of the 20th century's ten most important works of sociology by the International Sociological Association. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_264

The Rules of Art has significantly affected sociology, history, literature and aesthetics. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_265

In France, Bourdieu was seen not as an ivory tower academic or "cloistered don" but as a passionate activist for those he believed to be subordinated by society. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_266

In 2001, a documentary film about Bourdieu—Sociology is a Martial Art—"became an unexpected hit in Paris. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_267

Its very title stressed how much of a politically engaged intellectual Bourdieu was, taking on the mantle of Émile Zola and Jean-Paul Sartre in French public life and slugging it out with politicians because he thought that was what people like him should do." Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_268

For Bourdieu, sociology was a combative effort, exposing the un-thought structures beneath the physical (somatic) and thought practices of social agents. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_269

He saw sociology as a means of confronting symbolic violence and exposing those unseen areas where one could be free. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_270

Bourdieu's work continues to be influential. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_271

His work is widely cited, and many sociologists and other social scientists work explicitly in a Bourdieusian framework. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_272

One example is Loïc Wacquant, who persistently applies the Bourdieusian theoretical and methodological principles to subjects such as boxing, employing what Bourdieu termed participant objectivation (objectivation participante), or what Wacquant calls "carnal sociology." Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_273

In addition to publishing a book on Bourdieu's lasting influence, novelist Édouard Louis uses the legacy of Pierre Bourdieu as a literary device. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_274

Bourdieu also played a crucial role in the popularisation of correspondence analysis and particularly multiple correspondence analysis. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_275

Bourdieu held that these geometric techniques of data analysis are, like his sociology, inherently relational. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_276

"I use Correspondence Analysis very much, because I think that it is essentially a relational procedure whose philosophy fully expresses what in my view constitutes social reality. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_277

It is a procedure that 'thinks' in relations, as I try to do it with the concept of field," Bourdieu said, in the preface to The Craft of Sociology. Pierre Bourdieu_sentence_278

Selected publications Pierre Bourdieu_section_19

Pierre Bourdieu_table_general_1

Original workPierre Bourdieu_header_cell_1_0_0 English adaptionPierre Bourdieu_header_cell_1_0_1 Collaborator(s)Pierre Bourdieu_header_cell_1_0_2
Sociologie de l'Agerie (1958)

Published in Paris Que sais-jePierre Bourdieu_cell_1_1_0

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_1_1 Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_1_2
Travail et travailleurs en Algerie (1963)

Published in Paris: MoutonPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_2_0

Algeria 1960 (1979):

Published in Cambridge: Cambridge University PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_2_1

with Alain Darbel J.P. Rivet & C. SeibelPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_2_2
Algerie 60 (1978)

Published in Paris: Editions de MinuitPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_3_0

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_3_1
Les héritiers: les étudiants et la culture (1964)Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_4_0 The Inheritors: French Students and Their Relations to Culture (1979)

Published in Chicago: University of Chicago PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_4_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_4_2
Un art moyen (1965)Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_5_0 Photography: The Social Uses of an Ordinary Art (1990) Hb

Photography: A Middle-brow Art (1996) pb Polity Press Stanford University PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_5_1

with Jean-Claude Chamboredon Dominique Schapper Luc Boltanski & Robert CastelPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_5_2
L'amour de l'art: les musees d'art europeens (1969)Editions de MinuitPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_6_0 The Love of Art: European Art Museums and Their Public (1991)

Polity PressStanford University PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_6_1

with Alain DarbelPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_6_2
La Reproduction. Éléments pour une théorie du système d'enseignement (1970)

Editions de MinuitPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_7_0

Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture (1977)

Published in New York: SAGE PublishingPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_7_1

with Jean-Claude PasseronPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_7_2
“La défense du corps” (1971)

Social Science Information 10(4):45–86Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_8_0

with Luc Boltanski & Pascale MaldidierPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_8_2
Esquisse d'une théorie de la pratique, précédé de trois études d'ethnologie kabyle (1972)Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_9_0 Outline of a Theory of Practice (1977)

Cambridge University PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_9_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_9_2
“Le titre et le poste: rapports entre système de production et système de reproduction” (1975)

Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 1(2):95–107Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_10_0

with Luc BoltanskiPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_10_2
“Le fétichisme de la langue” (1975)

Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 1(4):2– 32Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_11_0

“La production de l'idéologie dominante” (1976)

Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 2(2 & 3):4–73Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_12_0

La distinction: Critique sociale du jugement (1979)Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_13_0 Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste (1984)

Published in Cambridge, MA: Harvard University PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_13_1

Trans. Richard NicePierre Bourdieu_cell_1_13_2
La sens pratique (1980)Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_14_0 The Logic of Practice (1990)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_14_1

Trans. Richard NicePierre Bourdieu_cell_1_14_2
“Ökonomisches Kapital, kulturelles Kapital, soziales Kapital” (1983)

Soziale Ungleichheiten. Goettingen: Otto Schartz & Co.Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_15_0

Forms of Capital (1986)

Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education. New York: Greenwood.Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_15_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_15_2
Homo Academicus (1984)

Editions de MinuitPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_16_0

Homo Academicus (1990)

Published in London: Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_16_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_16_2
"La force du droit. Eléments pour une sociologie du champ juridique" (1986)

Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 64:3–19Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_17_0

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_17_2
Choses dites (1987)

Editions de MinuitPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_18_0

In Other Words: Essays toward a Reflective Sociology (1990)

Published in Stanford: Stanford University PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_18_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_18_2
L'Ontologie politique de Martin heidegger (1988)

Editions de MinuitPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_19_0

The Political Ontology of Martin Heidegger (1991)

Stanford University PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_19_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_19_2
“The Corporatism of the Universal: The Role of Intellectuals in the Modern World” (1989)

Telos 1989(81)Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_20_0

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_20_2
Ce que parler veut dire: l'economie des echanges linguistiques

Published in Paris: Librarie Artheme FayardPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_21_0

Language and Symbolic Power (1991)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_21_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_21_2
Les règles de l'art (1992)Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_22_0 Rules of Art: Genesis and Structure of the Literary Field (1996)

Stanford University PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_22_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_22_2
Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_23_0 An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology (1992)

University of Chicago PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_23_1

with Loïc WacquantPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_23_2
Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_24_0 The Field of Cultural Production (1993)

Published in New York: Columbia University PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_24_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_24_2
Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_25_0 Free Exchange (1995)

Stanford University PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_25_1

with Hans HaackePierre Bourdieu_cell_1_25_2
Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_26_0 Academic Discourse: Linguistic Misunderstanding and Professorial Power (1996)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_26_1

with Monique De Saint Martin & Jean-Claude PasseronPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_26_2
La domination masculine (1998)Raisons d'agir/Editions du SeuilPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_27_0 Masculine Domination (2001)

Stanford University Press Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_27_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_27_2
Contre-Feux (1998)Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_28_0 Counterfire: Against the Tyranny of the Market (2003)

Published in New York: Verso BooksPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_28_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_28_2
Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_29_0 Practical Reason: On the Theory of Action (1998)

Stanford University PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_29_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_29_2
Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_30_0 State Nobility: Elite Schools in the Field of Power (1998)

Stanford University PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_30_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_30_2
Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_31_0 Weight of the World: Social Suffering in Contemporary Society (1999)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_31_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_31_2
Sur la télévision (1996)

Libre-Raisons d'agirPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_32_0

On Television and Journalism (1998)

Published in New York: The New Press

Published in London: Pluto Press

reprinted with same contents as On Television (2011)Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_32_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_32_2
Le Jeux Olympiques

[[Published in Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales March 1994Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_33_0

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_33_1
La journalisme et la politique (1997)Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_34_0 Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_34_1
Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_35_0 Acts of Resistance: Against the Tyranny of the Market (1999)

The New PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_35_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_35_2
Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_36_0 Pascalian Meditations (2000)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_36_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_36_2
Interventions politiques (1960–2000): Textes & contextes d’un mode d’intervention politique spécifique (2002)Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_37_0 Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_37_1 Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_37_2
Science de la science et réflexivité (2002)Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_38_0 Science of Science and Reflexivity (2004)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_38_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_38_2
Images d'Algerie (2003)

Camera Austria/Actes Sud.Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_39_0

Picturing Argeria (2012)

Columbia University Press/SSRCPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_39_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_39_2
Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_40_0 The Social Structures of the Economy (2005)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_40_1

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_40_2
Sur l'état. Cours au Collège de France 1989-1992 (2012)

Editions du SeuilPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_41_0

On the State: Lectures at the Collège de France 1989-1992 (2015)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_41_1

editor Patrick Champagne Remi Lenoir

translated by David FernbachPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_41_2

Manet, une révolution symbolique. Cours au Collège de France 1998-2000 (2013)

Editions du SeuilPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_42_0

Manet: A Symbolic Revolution (2015)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_42_1

with Marie-Claire Bourdieu

Editor Patrick Champagne translators Peter Collier & Margaret Rigaud-DraytonPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_42_2

Sociologie générale. Volume 1. Cours au Collège de France 1981-1983 (2012)

Editions du SeuilPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_43_0

Classification Struggles: General Sociology, Volume 1 Lectures at the Collège de France 1981-1982 (2019)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_43_1

Editors Patrick Champagne & Julien Duval

translator Peter CollierPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_43_2

Habitus and Field: General Sociology, Volume 2 Lectures at the Collège de France 1982-1983 (2020)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_44_0

Sociologie générale - 2. Capital Cours au collège de France 1983-1986 (2016)

Editions du SeuilPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_45_0

Forms of Capital: General Sociology, Volume 3: Lectures at the Collège de France 1983-1984 (2021)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_45_1

Editors Patrick Champagne & Julien Duval

translator Peter CollierPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_45_2

t.b.c: General Sociology, Volume 4: Lectures at the Collège de France 1984-1985 (est 2022)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_46_0

t.b.c: General Sociology, Volume 5: Lectures at the Collège de France 1984-1985 (est 2023)

Polity PressPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_47_0

Anthropologie économique - Cours au Collège de France 1992-1993 (2017)

Editions du SeuilPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_48_0

Pierre Bourdieu_cell_1_48_1 Editors Patrick Champagne & Julien DuvalPierre Bourdieu_cell_1_48_2

See also Pierre Bourdieu_section_20

Credits to the contents of this page go to the authors of the corresponding Wikipedia page: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pierre Bourdieu.