Taa language

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"Taa" redirects here. Taa language_sentence_0

For other uses, see TAA (disambiguation). Taa language_sentence_1

Not to be confused with Eastern ǂHuan. Taa language_sentence_2

Taa language_table_infobox_0

TaaTaa language_header_cell_0_0_0
Native toTaa language_header_cell_0_1_0 Botswana, NamibiaTaa language_cell_0_1_1
RegionTaa language_header_cell_0_2_0 Southern Ghanzi, northern Kgalagadi, western Southern and western Kweneng districts in Botswana; southern Omaheke and northeastern Hardap regions in Namibia.Taa language_cell_0_2_1
Native speakersTaa language_header_cell_0_3_0 2,500 (2011)Taa language_cell_0_3_1
Language familyTaa language_header_cell_0_4_0 TuuTaa language_cell_0_4_1
Language codesTaa language_header_cell_0_5_0
ISO 639-3Taa language_header_cell_0_6_0 Taa language_cell_0_6_1
GlottologTaa language_header_cell_0_7_0 Taa language_cell_0_7_1

Taa /ˈtɑː/, also known as ǃXóõ /ˈkoʊ/ (also spelled ǃKhong and ǃXoon; Taa pronunciation: [ǃ͡χɔ̃ː˦) is a Tuu language notable for its large number of phonemes, perhaps the largest in the world. Taa language_sentence_3

It is also notable for having perhaps the heaviest functional load of click consonants, with one count finding that 82% of basic vocabulary items started with a click. Taa language_sentence_4

Most speakers live in Botswana, but a few hundred live in Namibia. Taa language_sentence_5

The people call themselves ǃXoon (pl. ǃXooŋake) or ʼNǀohan (pl. Nǀumde), depending on the dialect they speak. Taa language_sentence_6

The Tuu languages are one of the three traditional language families that make up the Khoisan languages. Taa language_sentence_7

Taa is the word for 'human being'; the local name of the language is Taa ǂaan (Tâa ǂâã), from ǂaan 'language'. Taa language_sentence_8

ǃXoon (ǃXóõ) is an ethnonym used at opposite ends of the Taa-speaking area, but not by Taa speakers in between. Taa language_sentence_9

Most living Taa speakers are ethnic ǃXoon (plural ǃXooŋake) or 'Nǀohan (plural Nǀumde). Taa language_sentence_10

Taa shares a number of characteristic features with West ǂʼAmkoe and Gǀui, which together are considered part of the Kalahari Basin sprachbund. Taa language_sentence_11

Classification Taa language_section_0

Until the rediscovery of a few elderly speakers of Nǁng in the 1990s, Taa was thought to be the last surviving member of the Tuu language family. Taa language_sentence_12

Dialects Taa language_section_1

There is sufficient dialectal variation in Taa that it might be better described as a dialect continuum than as a single language. Taa language_sentence_13

Taa dialects fall into two groups, suggesting a historical spread from west to east: Taa language_sentence_14

Taa language_unordered_list_0

  • West Taa: Traill's West ǃXoon and Dorothea Bleek's NǀuǁʼenTaa language_item_0_0
  • East TaaTaa language_item_0_1
    • ǃAma (Western)Taa language_item_0_2
    • (Eastern)Taa language_item_0_3
      • East ǃXoon (Lone Tree)Taa language_item_0_4
      • Tsaasi–ǂHuanTaa language_item_0_5
        • TsaasiTaa language_item_0_6
        • ǂHuanTaa language_item_0_7

Traill worked primarily with East ǃXoon, and the DoBeS project is working with ʼNǀohan (in East Taa) and West ǃXoon. Taa language_sentence_15

ǀʼAuni and Kiǀhazi, previously considered dialects of Taa, were more divergent than the dialects here, and are now classified as a distinct language, Lower Nossob. Taa language_sentence_16

Alternate names Taa language_section_2

The various dialects and social groups of the Taa, their many names, the unreliability of transcriptions found in the literature, and the fact that names may be shared between languages and that dialects have been classified, has resulted in a great deal of confusion. Taa language_sentence_17

Traill (1974), for example, spent two chapters of his Compleat Guide to the Koon [sic] disentangling names and dialects. Taa language_sentence_18

The name ǃXoon (more precisely ǃXóõ) is only used at Aminius Reserve in Namibia, around Lone Tree where Traill primarily worked, and at Dzutshwa (Botswana). Taa language_sentence_19

It is, however, used by the ǃXoon for all Taa speakers. Taa language_sentence_20

It has been variously spelled ǃxō, ǃkɔ̃ː, ǃko/ǃkõ, Khong, and the fully anglicized Koon. Taa language_sentence_21

Bleek's Nǀuǁʼen dialect has been spelled ǀNuǁen, ǀNuǁe꞉n, Ngǀuǁen, Nguen, Nǀhuǁéi, ŋǀuǁẽin, ŋǀuǁẽi, ŋǀuǁen, ǀuǁen. Taa language_sentence_22

It has also been called by the ambiguous Khoekhoe term Nǀusan (Nǀu-san, Nǀūsā, Nǀuusaa, Nǀhusi), sometimes rendered Nusan or Noosan, which has been used for other languages in the area. Taa language_sentence_23

A subgroup was known as Koon [kɔ̃ː]. Taa language_sentence_24

This dialect is apparently extinct. Taa language_sentence_25

Bleek recorded another now-extinct variety at the town of Khakhea, and it is known in the literature as Kakia. Taa language_sentence_26

Names with a tee: Katia, Kattea, Khatia, and Xatia, are apparently spelling variants of Kakia, though this is not certain. Taa language_sentence_27

Vaalpens, ǀKusi, and ǀEikusi evidently refer to the same variety as Xatia. Taa language_sentence_28

Westphal studied a variety rendered ǀŋamani, ǀnamani, Ngǀamani, ǀŋamasa. Taa language_sentence_29

This dialect is apparently also now extinct. Taa language_sentence_30

Westphal also studied ǂHuan (ǂhũa) dialect (or ǂHũa-ʘwani), and used this name for the entire language. Taa language_sentence_31

However, the term is ambiguous between Taa (Western ǂHũa) and ǂʼAmkoe (Eastern ǂHũa), and for this reason Traill chose to call the language ǃXóõ. Taa language_sentence_32

Tsaasi dialect is quite similar to ǂHuan, and like ǂHuan, the name is used ambiguously for a dialect of ǂʼAmkoe. Taa language_sentence_33

This is a Tswana name, variously rendered Tshasi, Tshase, Tʃase, Tsase, Sasi, and Sase. Taa language_sentence_34

The Tswana term for Bushmen, Masarwa, is frequently encountered. Taa language_sentence_35

More specific to the Taa are Magon (Magong) and the Tshasi mentioned above. Taa language_sentence_36

The Taa distinguish themselves along at least some of the groups above. Taa language_sentence_37

Like many San peoples, they also distinguish themselves by the environment they live in (plain people, river people, etc.), and also by direction. Taa language_sentence_38

Traill reports the following: Taa language_sentence_39

Taa language_description_list_1

  • ǃama ʘʔâni "westerners"Taa language_item_1_8
  • ǂhūã ʘʔâni "southerners"Taa language_item_1_9
  • ʘqhōa ʘʔâni "in-betweeners"Taa language_item_1_10
  • tùu ʔʘnāhnsā̂ "pure people"Taa language_item_1_11

Heinz reports that ǃxóõ is an exonym given by other Bushmen, and that the Taa call themselves ǃxoia. Taa language_sentence_40

The Taa refer to their language as tâa ǂâã "people's language". Taa language_sentence_41

Westphal (1971) adopted the word tâa "person" as the name for the Southern Khoisan language family, which is now called Tuu. Taa language_sentence_42

The East ǃXoon term for the language is ǃxóɲa ǂâã IPA: [ǃ͡χɔ˦ ɲa˧ ǂãː˧˩ . Taa language_sentence_43

Phonology Taa language_section_3

Taa has at least 58 consonants, 31 vowels, and four tones (Traill 1985, 1994 on East ǃXoon), or at least 87 consonants, 20 vowels, and two tones (DoBeS 2008 on West ǃXoon), by many counts the most of any known language if non-oral vowel qualities are counted as different from corresponding oral vowels. Taa language_sentence_44

These include 20 (Traill) or 43 (DoBeS) click consonants and several vowel phonations, though opinions vary as to which of the 130 (Traill) or 164 (DoBeS) consonant sounds are single segments and which are consonant clusters. Taa language_sentence_45

Tones Taa language_section_4

Anthony Traill describes four tones for the East ǃXoon dialect: high [á], mid [ā], low [à], and mid-falling [â]. Taa language_sentence_46

Patterns for bisyllabic bases include high-high, mid-mid, mid-mid-falling, and low-low. Taa language_sentence_47

DoBeS describes only two tonemes, high and low, for the West ǃXoon dialect. Taa language_sentence_48

By analyzing each base as bimoraic, Traill's four tones are mapped onto [áá], [àá], [àà], and [áà]. Taa language_sentence_49

Unlike Traill, Naumann does not find a four-way contrast on monomoraic grammatical forms in Eastern ǃXoõ data. Taa language_sentence_50

In addition to lexical tone, Traill describes East ǃXoon nouns as falling into two tone classes according to the melody induced on concordial morphemes and transitive verbs: either level (Tone Class I) or falling (Tone Class II). Taa language_sentence_51

Transitive object nouns from Tone Class I trigger mid/mid-rising tone in transitive verbs, while Tone Class 2 objects correlate with any tone contour. Taa language_sentence_52

Naumann finds the same results in the eastern ʼNǀohan dialect. Taa language_sentence_53

Vowels Taa language_section_5

Taa has five vowel qualities, [a e i o u]. Taa language_sentence_54

The Traill and DoBeS descriptions differ in the phonations of these vowels; it is not clear if this reflects a dialectal difference or a difference of analysis. Taa language_sentence_55

East ǃXoon (Traill) Taa language_section_6

Traill describes the phonations of the East ǃXoon dialect as plain ⟨a⟩, murmured ⟨ah⟩, or glottalized ⟨aʼ⟩. Taa language_sentence_56

[a o u] may also be both glottalized and murmured ⟨aʼh⟩, as well as pharyngealized ⟨a̰⟩/⟨aq⟩ or strident ('sphincteric') ⟨a̰h⟩/⟨aqh⟩. Taa language_sentence_57

[a u] may be both pharyngealized and glottalized ⟨a̰ʼ⟩, for 26 vowels not counting nasalization or length. Taa language_sentence_58

Murmured vowels after plain consonants contrast with plain vowels after aspirated consonants, and likewise glottalized vowels with ejective consonants, so these are phonations of the vowels and not assimilation with consonant phonation. Taa language_sentence_59

Vowels may be long or short, but long vowels may be sequences rather than distinct phonemes. Taa language_sentence_60

The other vowel quality sequences—better known as diphthongs—disregarding the added complexity of phonation, are [ai, ae, ao, au, oi, oe, oa, ou, ui, ue, ua]. Taa language_sentence_61

All plain vowels may be nasalized. Taa language_sentence_62

No other phonation may be nasalized, but nasalization occurs in combination with other phonations as the second vowel of a sequence ("long vowel" or "diphthong"). Taa language_sentence_63

These sequences alternate dialectally with vowel plus velar nasal. Taa language_sentence_64

That is, the name ǃXóõ may be dialectally [kǃxóŋ], and this in turn may be phonemically /kǃxóɲ/, since [ɲ] does not occur word-finally. Taa language_sentence_65

However, this cannot explain the short nasal vowels, so Taa has at least 31 vowels. Taa language_sentence_66

A long, glottalized, murmured, nasalized o with falling tone is written ⟨ôʼhõ⟩. Taa language_sentence_67

A long, strident nasalized o with low tone is written ⟨òqhõ⟩, since Traill analyzes stridency as phonemically pharyngealized murmur. Taa language_sentence_68

(Note that phonetically these are distinct phonations.) Taa language_sentence_69

West ǃXoon (DoBeS) Taa language_section_7

DoBeS describes the phonations of the West ǃXoon dialect as plain, a e i o u; nasalized, an en in on un; epiglottalized or pharyngealized, aq eq iq oq uq; strident, aqh eqh iqh oqh uqh; and glottalized or 'tense', aʼ eʼ iʼ oʼ uʼ. Taa language_sentence_70

Consonants Taa language_section_8

Taa is unusual in allowing mixed voicing in its consonants. Taa language_sentence_71

These have been analyzed as prevoiced, but also as consonant clusters. Taa language_sentence_72

When homorganic, as in [dt], such clusters are listed in the chart below. Taa language_sentence_73

Taa consonants are complex, and it is not clear how much of the difference between the dialects is real and how much is an artifact of analysis. Taa language_sentence_74

East ǃXoon (Traill) Taa language_section_9

Taa language_table_general_1

East ǃXoon dialect: Non-click consonants (Traill 2018)Taa language_table_caption_1
Taa language_header_cell_1_0_0 LabialTaa language_header_cell_1_0_2 DentalTaa language_header_cell_1_0_3 AlveolarTaa language_header_cell_1_0_4 PalatalTaa language_header_cell_1_0_5 VelarTaa language_header_cell_1_0_6 UvularTaa language_header_cell_1_0_7 GlottalTaa language_header_cell_1_0_8

affricateTaa language_header_cell_1_1_0

voicedTaa language_header_cell_1_1_1 bTaa language_cell_1_1_2 Taa language_cell_1_1_3 dzTaa language_cell_1_1_4 (ɟ)Taa language_cell_1_1_5 ɡTaa language_cell_1_1_6 ɢ [ᶰɢ]Taa language_cell_1_1_7 Taa language_cell_1_1_8
tenuisTaa language_header_cell_1_2_0 (p)Taa language_cell_1_2_1 Taa language_cell_1_2_2 tsTaa language_cell_1_2_3 Taa language_cell_1_2_4 kTaa language_cell_1_2_5 qTaa language_cell_1_2_6 ʔTaa language_cell_1_2_7
voiceless aspiratedTaa language_header_cell_1_3_0 (pʰ)Taa language_cell_1_3_1 t̪ʰTaa language_cell_1_3_2 tsʰTaa language_cell_1_3_3 Taa language_cell_1_3_4 Taa language_cell_1_3_5 Taa language_cell_1_3_6 Taa language_cell_1_3_7
prevoiced aspiratedTaa language_header_cell_1_4_0 Taa language_cell_1_4_1 ˬd̪̊ʰTaa language_cell_1_4_2 ˬd̥sʰTaa language_cell_1_4_3 Taa language_cell_1_4_4 (ˬɡ̊ʰ)Taa language_cell_1_4_5 (ˬɢ̥ʰ) [ᶰɢ͡qʰ]Taa language_cell_1_4_6 Taa language_cell_1_4_7
velarizedTaa language_header_cell_1_5_0 (pχ)Taa language_cell_1_5_1 t̪χTaa language_cell_1_5_2 tsχTaa language_cell_1_5_3 Taa language_cell_1_5_4 Taa language_cell_1_5_5 Taa language_cell_1_5_6 Taa language_cell_1_5_7
prevoiced velarizedTaa language_header_cell_1_6_0 Taa language_cell_1_6_1 ˬd̥χTaa language_cell_1_6_2 ˬd̥sχTaa language_cell_1_6_3 Taa language_cell_1_6_4 Taa language_cell_1_6_5 Taa language_cell_1_6_6 Taa language_cell_1_6_7
voiceless ejectiveTaa language_header_cell_1_7_0 Taa language_cell_1_7_1 (t̪ʼ)Taa language_cell_1_7_2 tsʼTaa language_cell_1_7_3 Taa language_cell_1_7_4 (kʼ)Taa language_cell_1_7_5 (qʼ)Taa language_cell_1_7_6 Taa language_cell_1_7_7
ejective clusterTaa language_header_cell_1_8_0 (pʼkχʼ)Taa language_cell_1_8_1 t̪ʼkχʼTaa language_cell_1_8_2 tsʼkχʼTaa language_cell_1_8_3 Taa language_cell_1_8_4 kxʼTaa language_cell_1_8_5 Taa language_cell_1_8_6 Taa language_cell_1_8_7
prevoiced ejectiveTaa language_header_cell_1_9_0 Taa language_cell_1_9_1 ˬd̪̊’kχ’Taa language_cell_1_9_2 ˬd̥s’kχ’Taa language_cell_1_9_3 Taa language_cell_1_9_4 ˬɡ̊x’Taa language_cell_1_9_5 Taa language_cell_1_9_6 Taa language_cell_1_9_7
FricativeTaa language_header_cell_1_10_0 voicelessTaa language_header_cell_1_10_1 (f)Taa language_cell_1_10_2 Taa language_cell_1_10_3 sTaa language_cell_1_10_4 Taa language_cell_1_10_5 xTaa language_cell_1_10_6 Taa language_cell_1_10_7 (h)Taa language_cell_1_10_8
NasalTaa language_header_cell_1_11_0 voicedTaa language_header_cell_1_11_1 mTaa language_cell_1_11_2 Taa language_cell_1_11_3 Taa language_cell_1_11_4 -ɲ-Taa language_cell_1_11_5 Taa language_cell_1_11_6 Taa language_cell_1_11_7 Taa language_cell_1_11_8
glottalizedTaa language_header_cell_1_12_0 ˀmTaa language_cell_1_12_1 Taa language_cell_1_12_2 ˀnTaa language_cell_1_12_3 Taa language_cell_1_12_4 Taa language_cell_1_12_5 Taa language_cell_1_12_6 Taa language_cell_1_12_7
OtherTaa language_header_cell_1_13_0 -β-Taa language_cell_1_13_2 Taa language_cell_1_13_3 -l-Taa language_cell_1_13_4 -j-Taa language_cell_1_13_5 Taa language_cell_1_13_6 Taa language_cell_1_13_7 Taa language_cell_1_13_8

Consonants in parentheses are rare. Taa language_sentence_75

The nasal [ɲ] only occurs between vowels, and [ŋ] only word finally (and then only in some dialects, for what are nasal vowels elsewhere), so these may be allophones. Taa language_sentence_76

[β], [l], [j] also only occur in medial position, except that the last is an allophone of rare initial [ɟ]. Taa language_sentence_77

[dʒ] and [w](not in the table) occur in loans, mostly English. Taa language_sentence_78

Taa is typologically unusual in having mixed-voice ejectives. Taa language_sentence_79

Juǀʼhoansi, which is part of the same sprachbund as Taa, has mixed voicing in [d͡tʰ, d͡tʃʰ, d͡tsʼ]. Taa language_sentence_80

Taa may have as few as 83 click sounds, if the more complex clicks are analyzed as clusters. Taa language_sentence_81

Given the intricate clusters posited seen in the non-click consonants, it is not surprising that many of the Taa clicks should be analyzed as clusters. Taa language_sentence_82

However, there is some debate whether these are actually clusters; all non-Khoisan languages in the world that have clusters allow clusters with sonorants like r, l, w, j (as in English tree, sleep, quick, cue), and this does not occur in Taa. Taa language_sentence_83

There are five click articulations: bilabial, dental, lateral, alveolar, and palatal. Taa language_sentence_84

There are nineteen series, differing in phonation, manner, and complexity (see airstream contour). Taa language_sentence_85

These are perfectly normal consonants in Taa, and indeed are preferred over non-clicks in word-initial position. Taa language_sentence_86

The DoBeS project takes Traill's cluster analysis to mean that only the twenty tenuis, voiced, nasal, and voiceless nasal clicks are basic, with the rest being clusters of the tenuis and voiced clicks with x, kxʼ, q, ɢ, qʰ, ɢqʰ, qʼ, ʔ, h and either mˀ or nˀ. Taa language_sentence_87

Work on Taa's sister language Nǁng suggests that all clicks in both languages have a uvular or rear articulation, and that the clicks considered to be uvular here are actually lingual–pulmonic and lingual–glottalic airstream contours. Taa language_sentence_88

It may be that the 'prevoiced' consonants of Taa, including prevoiced clicks, can also be analyzed as contour consonants, in this case with voicing contours. Taa language_sentence_89

  • DoBeS only matches 17 series to Traill, as the Ʞkʰ–Ʞqʰ and Ʞkʼ–Ʞqʼ distinctions he discovered had not yet been published. Taa language_sentence_90

DoBeS ⟨Ʞh⟩ and ⟨Ʞqh⟩, respectively, correspond to the former pair, while ⟨Ʞʼ⟩ and ⟨Ʞʼʼ⟩ (presumably in that order, as uvular clicks tend to have a delayed release) correspond to the latter pair. Taa language_sentence_91

Traill's account of East ǃXoon leaves for voiceless series of clicks without equivalents with a voiced lead. Taa language_sentence_92

The DoBeS account of West West ǃXoon, which uses voicing for morphological derivation to a greater extent than East ǃXoon does, has four additional series, written nꞰʼʼ, gꞰʼ, gꞰqʼ and nꞰhh in their practical orthography. Taa language_sentence_93

The first three match the unpaired glottalized series of Traill, Ʞˀ (= ᵑꞰˀ), Ʞkʼ, Ʞqʼ. Taa language_sentence_94

If Traill's ɡꞰh series is the voiced equivalent of plain aspirated Ʞʰ, rather than delayed aspirated, that would leave the DobeS nꞰhh series as voiced delayed aspiration. Taa language_sentence_95

All nasal clicks have twin airstreams, since the air passing through the nose bypasses the tongue. Taa language_sentence_96

Usually this is pulmonic egressive. Taa language_sentence_97

However, the ↓ŋ̊Ʞh series in Taa is characterized by pulmonic ingressive nasal airflow. Taa language_sentence_98

Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996:268) state that "This ǃXóõ click is probably unique among the sounds of the world's languages that, even in the middle of a sentence, it may have ingressive pulmonic airflow." Taa language_sentence_99

Taa is the only language known to contrast voiceless nasal and voiceless nasal aspirated (i.e. delayed aspirated) clicks (Miller 2011). Taa language_sentence_100

West ǃXoon (DoBeS) Taa language_section_10

West ǃXoon has 164 consonants in a strict unit analysis, including 111 clicks in 23 series, which under a cluster analysis reduce to 87 consonants, including 43 clicks. Taa language_sentence_101

These are written in the practical orthography (Naumann 2008). Taa language_sentence_102

Marginal consonants are not marked as such. Taa language_sentence_103

Vowel nasalization is only phonemic on the second mora (in CCVV etc. syllables), as it is a phonetic effect of the ⟨nꞰhh⟩ clicks on the first mora. Taa language_sentence_104

The ⟨nꞰhh⟩ clicks do not make the following vowel breathy, maintaining a contrast between ⟨nǂhha⟩ and ⟨nǂhhah⟩. Taa language_sentence_105

Likewise, while ⟨gꞰʼ⟩ clicks do make the following vowel creaky, there is a delayed onset to the vowel and the amplitude of the glottalization of ⟨gǂʼaʼ⟩ is less than that of ⟨gǂaʼ⟩ with a phonemically creaky vowel. Taa language_sentence_106

In an attempt to keep the phonemic inventory as symmetric as possible, the DoBeS team analyzed as segments two of the click types that Traill analyzed as clusters. Taa language_sentence_107

These are the pre-glottalized nasal clicks, ʼnꞰ, which Traill had analyzed as /Ʞ/ + /ʼn/, and the voiced aspirated clicks, gꞰh, which Traill had analyzed as /ɡꞰ/ + /qʰ/. Taa language_sentence_108

The expectation, from the morphology of ǃXoon, for voiceless-voiced pairs of click clusters led to the discovery of several series not distinguished by Traill. Taa language_sentence_109

(This morphology appears to be more pervasive in West ǃXoon than in the East ǃXoon dialect that Traill worked on.) Taa language_sentence_110

These are voiced click types which may not exist in East ǃXoon at all, namely nꞰʼʼ, nꞰhh, gꞰʼ, and gꞰqʼ. Taa language_sentence_111

It also lead to the rediscovery of two series that Traill had not been able to publish before his death. Taa language_sentence_112

Thus the DoBeS team distinguishes two series, Ʞqh and Ʞh, for Trail's Ʞqh and Ʞkh, as well as Ʞʼʼ and Ʞʼ for Traill's Ʞqʼ and Ʞkʼ (or perhaps vice versa). Taa language_sentence_113

If Traill's Ʞkh series is to be analyzed as kꞰ + h, then that would require a different assessment of Traill's delayed-aspiration series. Taa language_sentence_114

Under the contour analysis of Miller (2009), the distinction between simple and contour clicks largely parallels the DoBeS identification of clusters, apart from the last four rows (Ʞʼʼ, nꞰʼʼ, Ʞhh, nꞰhh), which are considered to be simple clicks. Taa language_sentence_115

Phonotactics Taa language_section_11

The Taa syllable structure, as described by DoBeS, may be one of the following: Taa language_sentence_116

Taa language_unordered_list_2

  • CVVTaa language_item_2_12
  • CCVVTaa language_item_2_13
  • CVC2VTaa language_item_2_14
  • CCVC2VTaa language_item_2_15
  • CVNTaa language_item_2_16
  • CCVNTaa language_item_2_17

where C is a consonant, V is a vowel, and N is a nasal stop. Taa language_sentence_117

There is a very limited number of consonants which can occur in the second (C2) position and only certain vowel sequences (VV and V…V) occur. Taa language_sentence_118

The possible consonant clusters (CC) is covered above; C2 may be [b~β̞], [dʲ~j], [l], [m], [n], [ɲ]. Taa language_sentence_119

Grammar Taa language_section_12

Taa is a subject–verb–object language with serial verbs and inflecting prepositions. Taa language_sentence_120

Genitives, adjectives, relative clauses, and numbers come after the nouns they apply to. Taa language_sentence_121

Reduplication is used to form causatives. Taa language_sentence_122

There are five nominal agreement classes and an additional two tone groups. Taa language_sentence_123

Agreement occurs on pronouns, transitive verbs (with the object), adjectives, prepositions, and some particles. Taa language_sentence_124

Numbers Taa language_section_13

Taa has only three native numbers. Taa language_sentence_125

All numbers above three are loans from Tswana or Kgalagadi. Taa language_sentence_126

1 - ǂʔûã Taa language_sentence_127

2 - ǂnûm Taa language_sentence_128

3 - ǁâe Taa language_sentence_129

Phrases Taa language_section_14

The phrases from Eastern ǃXóõ were compiled by Anthony Traill: Taa language_sentence_130

Taa language_description_list_3

  • ǃnˤù.ṵ ì à ǁʼà-be ǃù.m ʘàa sâa Hare.14 1PRO PST take:S-3 Eland.3 child:34 thither "As for Hare, she took Eland's child away."Taa language_item_3_18

Taa language_description_list_4

  • ǃqháa̰ kū ǂnûm ǁɢˤûlitê ǀè dtxóʔlu ǀnàe ǂʼá sˤàa̰ give MPO:4PRO two genital:22-P ASS:3 stench:3 DAT:3PRO COM:2 fat:22 "Give them their stinking genitals with the fat!"Taa language_item_4_19

Credits to the contents of this page go to the authors of the corresponding Wikipedia page: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taa language.